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BR 1700 .L59 v. 2 
Zeugen der Wahrheit. 
Lives of the leaders of our 
church universal 

















Congregational House, Beacon Street. 

Copyright, 1879, 




fttC. AUG I8h(j 

Some three years since, while I was seeking in New York city material 
for a volume asked of me by a Western publisher, I was met by the sug- 
gestion that I should undertake the translation into English and the 
editing of the lives of Christian leaders for all the days of the year, re- 
cently published in Germany under the editorship of Dr. Ferdinand Piper, 
of the University of Berlin. 

The fact that the suggestion was made by Dr. Charles A. Briggs, of 
Union Seminary, to whom the work had been transmitted by Dr. Piper, 
with a view to its publication in America, and that both he and Dr. Philip 
Schaff, in repeated conversations, recommended it to me as deserving a 
place in every Christian family, inclined me to take up the task suggested. 
After letters had been exchanged with the German editor, and his con- 
sent obtained to my bringing the work out in the English language, with 
such changes as might seem advantageous, I began to apply myself, as 
my other engagements permitted, to the labor of presenting these popular 
yet scholarly life-stories of Christian witnesses to English readers. 

The task thus entered upon presented two parts. First, the translating 
and editing of the lives published in Germany. Second, the adding of 
the life-stories of leaders in the church in America, and in certain pagan 
lands, passed over by Dr. Piper. To make plain what I have done under 
the first head, I will state briefly the origin, scope, and form of the work 
in the German. 

In the year 1850, Dr. Ferdinand Piper offered, in a church-diet at 
Stuttgard, the following thesis : " The whole evangelical church in Ger- 
man lands is interested in forming a common roll of lives for all the days 
of the year, to be settled on the foundation of our common history, and 
thus to be made a bond of union of the churches in all the countries." 

In relation to the thesis, let it be noted that the Christians of Germany 


did not, at the Reformation, cast away as many of the old usages as did 
reformers in other countries. They did not cast away organs ; nor, al- 
though they utterly put aside prayers to saints, did they abolish the con- 
nection of the names of Christian worthies of past ages with the days of 
the year, but preserved it even as Americans maintain the association of 
the name of Washington with February 22d. The forming of the roll 
of Christian worthies was left, however, very largely to accident. Every 
little German land made its own calendar. There arose great diversity, 
aDd often names were inserted upon local or political grounds. Martin 
Luther's was the only name universally adopted in addition to the men of 
the early centuries. Thus, it may be seen, there was an opportunity and 
also a call for such a movement as that suggested in Dr. Piper's thesis, 
which should present German Christians a new roll of names for their 
almanacs, and also a new book of lives for their Christian households, 
thus stimulating them to fulfill the precept, " Remember them who have 
spoken unto you the Word of God." 

A powerful argument for giving to Germany such a roll of lives was 
the necessity of meeting Romanist assertions that the honored fathers and 
leaders of early days were papists, in the present sense of the term papist, 
and not rather, with all their mistakes and superstitions, evangelical or 
Bible Christians. 

The chief argument for the book, however, was that next to God's 
Word, Christians, for their own edification, ought to know (to use the 
words of Dr. Piper) " the doings of God in the history of his Church," 
and " the manifestations of his Spirit in the witnesses commissioned and 
enlightened by Him ever since the day of Pentecost." 

These and like considerations impelled Dr. Piper and other scholars to 
give to the German church the " improved " roll of names, and the new 
book of lives of church leaders. Their medium for this was at first a 
periodical established for this special end in 1850. This "Year Book," 
as it was called, presented new and correct lives of the leaders from the 
pens of able and eloquent writers. Dr. Neander, who died that same 
year, left several lives for the book, as will be seen by the present vol- 
ume. The array of authors, as the table of contents will show, includes 
many of the most celebrated Christian scholars of Germany as well as 
some of France, Britain, Holland, Switzerland, and Scandinavia. For 
twenty-one successive years the " Year Book " continued the presentation 
of the lives. Filially, the roll was ended. Dr. Piper then edited the 


completed biographies, which were published by Tauchnitz (1875). The 
work has been met with great favor by the church. The roll of names 
contained in it has been officially published and commended by the Ger- 
man government. 

The considerations which weigh with German Christians are, perhaps, 
to be equally regarded by men of English tongue. The call for com- 
bating a false definition of the Church comes to us also. Bewildered souls 
seeking a house of God on earth are too often guided to an edifice whose 
keys are kept in Rome by the chief of an ancient, self-perpetuated corpo- 
ration. Knowing as we do that the true Church has been seen ever, 
where any body of men has risen, " a pillar and a stay of the truth " (1 
Timothy iii. 15, marginal reading), ought we not to keep this visible 
form of all the centuries before men's eyes, and pointing to it say, Here 
is the Church, the true succession of " John and Cephas, who seemed to 
be pillars " in every circle of faithful upholders of essential Christianity ? 

Do we omit from the roll of church pillars since the Reformation the 
Roman Catholic, the Greek, the Copt, and the Nestorian? It is not 
that we would deny such a place in the Church Universal. Like the 
Ephesian wonder of the world (which, perhaps, rose before the mind of 
him who, in writing to his friend in Ephesus, gave us the simile just 
quoted), and like its forest of shafts, each a pillar and a stay of the shel- 
tering roof of rock, this edifice, the Church of God, incloses uncounted 
varieties of pillars, and all of them are truly parts of it if so be they up- 
hold the truth of the living God. Yet Greeks, Romanists, and the rest 
are hardly " leading " supports of truth, nowadays, contrasted with evan- 
gelical Christians. Nor will they become so till they are cleansed of 
the moss and decay of the centuries. The safe rule for all who will find 
the Church in any age is, Find men who uphold the truth as it is in 
Jesus, and who gather clustering groups of columnar Christians around 
them, supporting the same. Here is the Church, beyond controversy. 

But the main object of our German brethren, namely, to familiarize 
Christians " with God's doings in the history of his Church," is the chief 
end for us also. It may be safely affirmed that by far the larger half of 
Christian families have in their libraries not a word as to their church or 
its leaders from the end of the Acts to the annals of the Reformation, 
unless perhaps in some such caricature of Christianity as the volumes of 
Dr. Gibbon. This ignorance respecting fifteen Christian centuries is not 
altogether a contented ignorance. This I have proven by the following 


experiment. Setting up a third church service at an unusual hour upon 
the Sabbath afternoon, in which besides the usual devotions was offered 
a brief discourse presenting " God's doings in the history of his church," 
I have for forty successive Sabbaths in a year seen assembled out of a 
new and busily occupied city population more hearers than attend upon 
the average service of Sabbath evening. Moreover the themes presented 
were received with marked expressions of interest from Christians of vari- 
ous names, and even from those not Christians. I have thus been led 
fully into Dr. Piper's view that the edifying of the Church may be pro- 
moted by ministers speakiug from time to time to their people of " the 
manifestations of God's Spirit in witnesses commissioned and enlightened 
by Him all the way from Pentecost." Whatever commendations of our 
Divine cause may be found in the notable lives of each century the wise 
believer will not neglect to offer, especially in days when if the founda- 
tions be not destroyed it will not be because they are not assailed in every 
mode and from every quarter. 

The editor does not present in his English work all the lives included 
in the German. He wished to keep the book of a popular size. He 
considered, too, that as we are better acquainted with the Church in the 
Acts of the Apostles from our introduction to but a few of its leaders, 
so it might be here. There have been omitted, therefore, first, all lives 
of leaders in Bible times, a large company ; second, all those peculiarly 
local or German ; third, other lives which, hardly less interesting or 
important than those now offered, have been left out -to make room for 
lives in America, Asia, Africa, and Oceanica. These last it is hoped may 
one day be called for by readers, and along with them others, especially of 
English, Welsh, and Scotch leaders, in recent centuries, which many will 
be surprised to miss. They are not here because not in the German. 
Should the call arise, the editor will strive, with help from writers in 
Great Britain and Ireland, to present the Lives of the Leaders in a 
second series. 

The life-stories offered are in every instance given entire. The follow- 
ing changes have, however, been made to render the book more attractive. 
(1.) For the numerous divisions of time in the German, five periods have 
been substituted by the editor, of his own choosing. (2.) Portions of the 
lives which seemed parenthetical or of secondary importance have been 
placed in footnotes. (3.) At the head of each life have been set the date 
of the birth and of the death of the person commemorated, and also a 


word indicating his position in the church, clerical or lay, or his denom- 

The title of the book I have translated very freely, preferring the sec- 
ond word by which Isaiah describes the servant of God to the first word 
in the same verse (Isaiah lv. 5, " A witness .... a leader .... to 
the people"), and so calling the work the Lives of the Leaders rather 
than the Lives of the Witnesses, the last word being somewhat worn in 
English literature. 

For the cut-in notes, which are not in the German, I alone am respon- 
sible. They promise aid to the reader as well as add attractiveness to 
the page. 

It remains to say something concerning the second part of my task, 
the adding of life-stories of leaders in America, and of pioneers in other 
great regions passed by in the German, namely, Africa, China, and Bur- 

The suggestion that in adding American lives I should regard denom- 
inations was given me by Dr. Schaff, and was at once accepted. To es- 
tablish a fair and good rule I laid down the following: (1.) In every 
denomination in the United States with five hundred parishes to find one 
" leader." In every denomination with over three thousand parishes to 
find " three mighty men," and if such denomination prevailed in colonial 
times, to add to the three, one, two, or three others. (2.) To take no 
account of the division of denominations into northern and southern, and 
yet when taking three mighty men, to apportion them between the East, 
and the West and South. These rules have been followed strictly, save 
that the Lutheran body is given but one leader on the ground that it is 
so largely represented in the German. 1 The Episcopal Church is given 
but one, because it did not reach three thousand parishes in the statistics 

1 At the time of sending the last manuscript to the press, I found myself disappointed in 
reference to an expected life-story of a United Presbyterian leader. To supply its place I 
prepared the story of Isabella Graham. After this had been stereotyped came unexpectedly, 
through the courtesy of the United Presbyterian Publication House, the life of John Tay- 
lor Pressly, by his long-time associate, Rev. Dr. David R. Kerr, a theologian whose labors 
in church history have received a recent recognition in his election to preside over the 
Historical Section of the First General Presbyterian Council in Edinburgh, 1877. 

This life I gladly added, as supplying what was lacking. Further, it was proposed by 
the secretary of the house named, that Isabella Graham be inserted as a representative of 
the Associate Reformed body, now merged in the United Presbyterian. At risk of seem- 
ing to transgress my rule, I therefore retain this story, moved to its retention in part by a 
desire to recognize w< man leadership in the Church in America, as the present work recog- 
nizes it in the other hemisphere. 


of 1877, though now it reports more than that number. Four denom- 
inations are each given three or more leaders, while ten have each one 
leader. These fourteen bodies include, as will be seen by the Table of 
Statistics (Appendix III.), forty-nine fiftieths of the evangelical church 
in the United States. 

In choosing American leaders I have followed less my own judgment 
than that of eminent men in the respective denominations, having had 
correspondence upon the subject with, perhaps, fifty distinguished schol- 
ars, exclusive of the many who appear as writers. 

In choosing a leader in China and other lands I have in like manner 
sought competent tribunals of opinion. To the many eminent men who 
have lent me aid in this, I here express my very great obligations. 

And now in closing what has been these three years a labor of love and 
a recreation from other toils, I find an especial source of pleasure in the 
thought that this book may prove a new bond of love in the church in 
America, the more from the fact that it will go out bearing the imprints, 
each on a distinct edition, of a large portion of the denominational pub- 
lication houses of this continent. In agreeing to take a part in its 
simultaneous issue, each of these houses courteously introduces to its 
own communion the leaders of other churches not as " strangers and 
foreigners," but as dear brethren. " Such a work " (I quote the words 
of the venerable Dr. Whedon, in his letter to the Methodist house ap- 
proving of the plan of this book) "will be a symbol of the Church's 
true spiritual unity." 

H. M. M. 

Orange Place Study, Toledo, Ohio, 1879. 


-'. AUG i8co 





North Germany. 

Life I. Martin Luther. 

A Monk. — Opposes Papal Pardons. — Brave Stand at Worms. — Translates the 
Bible. — Marries. — Last Illness and Death. — His Religion. — His Courage. 
— His Childlike Spirit. — His Violence. — Luther as a German . . . 265 

By Dr. Heubner, of Wittenberg. 

Life II. Magdalena Luther. 

Luther's Housekeeping. — His Child's Deathbed. — His Child's Funeral . . 274 

By Dr. Schmieder, of Wittenberg. 

Life III. Philip Melancthon. 

Called to Wittenberg. — His "Commonplaces." — At Augsburg. — Negotiates 
with Rome. — Share in Philip's Bigamy. — Hopes for Union with Calvin. — 

Last Days 279 

By Dr. Neander, of Berlin. 

South Germany. 

Life IV. Hans Sachs. 

Artist as well as Artisan. — Sachs and the Bible. — His Great Prose Works. — 

Sachs as a Citizen 291 

By Dr. Ranke, of Berlin. 

Life V. John Brentz. 

First to Write a Catechism. — His Notable Escape. — Three Mighty Men . . 297 

By Dr. Hartmann, of Tuttlingen. 

J c 


Life VI. Zacharias Uesinus. 

Studies at "Wittenberg. — Leaves Home for Conscience* Sake. — Work in Heidel- 
berg. — The " Heidelberger." — Wants a Free Church. — Closes Life as an 

Exile -300 

By Dr. Hundeshagen, of Bonn. 

German Switzerland. 
Life VII. Ulrich Zwingle. 

His First Pastorate. — Begins Eeform Work. — Reforms Zurich. — Helps Re- 
form Berne. — Meets Luther. — In Politics. — Dies in Battle . . . .308 

By Dr. Frohlich, of Aarau. 

Life VIII. John CEcolampadius. 

Priest in Wittenberg. — Finds his Place in Basel. — His Great Debates. — Up- 
holds Church Discipline. — Epitaph 315 

By Dr. Hagenbach, of Basel. 


Life IX. Olaf Peterson. 

His Family. — Lives with Luther. — Begins his Life- Work. — Narrowly escapes 

Death. — Reforms Sweden. — Trials in his Last Days 320 

By Dr. Ranke, of Berlin. 

France and French Switzerland. 

Life X. William Farel. 

Studies under Faber. — Forced to quit Paris. — Finds his Great Work. — En- 
ters Geneva. — Carries the Day. — Call to Calvin. — Fruitful in Old Age . 326 

By Dr. Trechsel, of Berne. 

Life XL John Calvin. 

At Twenty-eight. — Characteristics. — Earlier Life. — Publishes his Theology. 
— Second Entrance into Geneva. — Triumph over the Libertines. — Faithful 
to the End.— Calvin on God's Decrees. — On the Sacrament. — On Popery. — 

Calvin and Servetus 335 

By Dr. Henry, of Berlin. 

Life XH. Antony Laeorie, or the Five Martyrs of Chambery. 

The Five are arrested. — Laborie's Letters to his Wife. — Vernon's Letters. — 

Calvin writes to the Prisoners. — Their Glorious Deaths 346 

By Dr. Frohlich, of Aarau. 

Life XIII. Theodore Beza. 

As a Boy in Paris. — Led to an Earnest Life. — Sides with Calvin. — Begins 
Work in Geneva. — His Great Mission in France. — His Address before the 
King. — His Noble Letter to Henry. — Meets Francis de Sales . . .352 

By Dr. Hagenbach, of Basel. 


Life XIV. Coligny of France. 

Coligny Representative. — Takes up Arms for his Faith. — Wins Peace. — Falls 

in the Massacre 362 

By Pastor Rognon, of Paris. 


Life XV. Renata of Ferrara. 

Her Reformed Faith. — Shelters Calvin. — Her Noble Bounty. — Christian La- 
dies in Italy 368 

By Dr. Hagenbach, of Basel. 

Life XVI. Aonio Paleario. 

Studies in Rome. — His Great Work. — His Book re-discovered. — His Defense 
of his Faith. — His Arrest. — Authentic Account of his End . . . .371 

By Dr. Schmieder, of Wittenberg. 


Life XVII. Thomas Cranmer. 

Student of the Bible. — Is made Archbishop. — England freed from the Pope. 

— The Bible tolerated. — Cranmer's Reformed Views. — Prepares the Prayer- 
Book and the Forty Articles. — Arrested by Bloody Mary. — His Recantation. 

— His Tragic End 379 

By Dr. Heppe, of Marburg. 

Life XVIII. Nicholas Ridley. 

He opposes the Pope. — His Great Work. — His Private Life. — Ridley and 
Bloody Mary. — Ridley's Defense. — Excommunicated. — Sentenced to Die. 

— Ridley's and Latimer's Deaths. — Latimer's Grand Words .... 388 

By Dr. Lechler, of Leipzig. 

Life XIX. John Hooper. 

Moves England by Preaching. — A Model Pastor. — A Martyr .... 397 

By Dr. Heppe, of Marburg. 

Life XX. Anne Askew. 

Before the Inquisitor. — Before the Bishop. — Tortured and Slain . . . 400 

By Dr. Arndt, of Berlin. 


Life XXI. Patrick Hamilton. 

Takes Refuge in Germany. — At Home for a Life-Work. — Goes boldly to St. 
Andrew's. — Is put upon his Trial. — His Death of Agony .... 403 

By Dr. Lorimer, of London. 


Life XXII. George Wishart. 

Constrained to Preach. — Goes alone into Peril. — Doomed to Die at the Stake 410 

By Dr. Becker, of Konigsberg. 

Life XXIII. John Knox. 

Begins Reform "Work. — His First Preaching. — With Calvin. — Preaches in 
Edinburgh. — With Mary Stuart. — Charged with High Treason. — Faithful 

unto Death. — Last Words 413 

By Dr. MacCrie, of London. 


Life XXIV. "William of Orange. 

The Era when he arose. — His Birth and Early Years. — His First "Words for 
Liberty. — Opposes Papal Persecution. — Decisive Step. — Seeks Freedom by 

Battle. — The Dutch Republic. — Assassinated 421 

By Dr. Heppe, of Marburg. 


Life I. Gdstavus Adolphus. 

Finds his Mission. — Personal Appearance. — His Lady Love. — His Leave of 
Sweden. — His Strength. — First Great Victory. — Meets "Wallenstein. — Tri- 
umph and Death 431 

By Pastor Vaihinger, of Cannstadt. 

Life II. Paul Gerhardt. 

New Era of Hymnology. — His First Hymns. — Pastor in Berlin. — Involved in 
Church Strifes. — Trials. — Closing Days in Liibben.— His Hymns next to 

Luther's 439 

By Dr. Krummacher, of Potsdam. 

Life III. Philip Jacob Spener. 

Trained by Travel. — Work in Frankfort. — New Measures. — An Effective 
Book. — Called to Dresden. — Loses Favor. — Called to Berlin. — The Ger- 
man Revival. — Asa Controversialist. — As an Author. — In Union Efforts. — 

Closing Days 448 

By Dr. Tholuck, of Halle. 

Life IV. August Hermann Francke. 

Youth. — Good Work in Leipzig. — In Halle. — Founds his Orphan House.— 
His Teachers. —Bible and Foreign Work. — Secret of Success . . .461 

By Dr. Tholuck, of Halle. 


Life V. John Albeet Bengel. 

Progress at Tubingen. — Trains Three Hundred Preachers. — Publishes his 

" Gnomon." — His Private Life 468 

By Pastor Burk, of Echterdingen. 

Life VI. Zinzendorf. 

A Mother's Scholar. — Youthful Conflicts. — Studies in Halle. — In Holland. — 
Meets the Moravians. — Becomes their Leader. — His Great Activity. — Pounds 

Moravian Missions. — Closing Days 472 

By Dr. Schmieder, of Wittenberg. 


Life VII. Alexander Roussel. 

Antoine Court's Labors. — Our Pirst View of Roussel. — His Martyr Death . 482 

By Pastor von Merz, of Stuttgart. 

Life VIII. Paul Rabaut. 

Early Call to the Ministry. — Amid Dragonnades. — His Noble Letter. — His 
Heroic Wife. — The Calas Affair. — Rabaut and his Son honored . . . 486 

By Dr. Pressel, of Schorndorf. 

Life IX. John Frederick Oberlin. 

The Steinthal. — His Youth. — His Covenant. — His Life- Work. — His Mar- 
riage. — In Things Temporal. — In Things Spiritual. — As a Patriot. — 

Trials and Peculiarities. — Last Days 492 

By Dr. Krummacher, of Potsdam. 


Life X. James Guthrie. 

The Scottish Covenant. — Guthrie's Trial. — His Brave, Holy Death. — Honors 

to his Headless Body 501 

By Pastor von Rudloff, of Nisky. 

Life XI. Hugh MacKail. 

His Offense. — His Fearful Tortures. — Joys in Prison. — Eloquence when Dy- 
ing 505 

By Pastor von Rudloff, of Nisky. 

Life XII. Richard Baxter. 

Church Parties in his Day. — His Father. — His Sickness. — His Parish. — 
Army Chaplaincy. — "Reformed Pastor." — Great Books. — Plan of Church 
and Liturgy. — Before Jeffreys. — Approach to the " Saint's Rest" . .508 

By Dr. Erdmann, of Breslau. 


Life XIII. John Wesley. 

Father and Mother. — The Name Methodist. — Wesley attains Religious Rest. 

— In Germany. — Whitefield and the Wesleys. — Opposed by English Bishops. 

— Open- Air Preaching. — Wesley and Calvinism. — Organizes Classes. — 
Wesley and the Episcopalians. — As an Author. — Asa Ruler. — As a Hus- 
band. — Charles Wesley's Death. — Wesley's Last Days. — Contrasted with 
two Men of his Age 516 

By Dr. Sack, of Bonn. 

Life XIV. William Wilberforce. 

Early Essay on the Slave-Trade. — Becomes more Consecrated. — Founds a Re- 
form Society. — His " Practical View." — His Home-Life. — His Battle 
against the Slave-Trade. — More than seven Times Defeated. — At last Vic- 
torious. — Attacks Slavery itself. — Record as a Public Man. — Dies in a 

Time of Victory 525 

By Pastor von Merz, of Stuttgart. 

Life XV. Elizabeth Fry. 

Turns to a Better Life. — Becomes a Friend. — Mother of Eleven Children. — 
Key to her Public Success. — Her Work in the Country. — Her Work for 
Forgotten Classes. — Leadership in Noted Reforms. — Organizing Ability. — 

Leads in Work abroad. — The Goal is Won 533 

By Pastor von Merz, of Stuttgart. 





Martin Luther, born at Eisleben, November 10, 1483, sprang from 
parents lowly in position, but upright and pious. Named Martin (Mar- 
tinus, or friend of Mars), from his birth on the anniversary of Martin of 
Tours, he was designated beforehand as a warrior, — a champion of God. 
Called Luther, the people's lord or ruler (Leute-herr), he was pointed 
out as one who should sway the hearts of mankind. A prophecy of John 
Huss, according to a tradition well known to Luther, had declared, 
" You are now roasting the goose [Huss signifying goose], but in a hun- 
dred years you will raise up the swan, whom you shall not roast nor 
scorch. Him men will hear sing ; him, God willing, they will let live, 
even as they ought ! " 

Martin grew up under strict and often almost harsh training. He 
proved in youth, and afterwards, the truth of the saying, " It is good for 
a man that he bear the yoke in his youth." He felt the yoke when he 
went to school, first in Magdeburg, to the Franciscans or poor friars, and 
afterwards in Eisenach. Here his devout singing of the chorals stirred 
the soul of the pious widow Cotta to give him his support. Gaining 
thus a good preparatory training, he went to the University of Erfurt 
(1501). His first intention was to study law ; after a year, through 
outer occurrences wbich impressed him, and inward struggles arising 
from a desire for his soul's salvation, he was moved to devote himself to 
theology. Three years later (1505) he entered the ascetic 
order of the Augustines in their cloister at Erfurt, not from 
worldly want, but from zeal for religion, to the exceeding displeasure 
of his father. The yoke of monkish discipline and the disquiet of soul 
which followed impelled him to a fervid spiritual experience, and pointed 


out to him as his greatest problem, How can the soul obtain the pardon 
of its sins ? He was granted of God most excellent advice from the lips 
of an aged brother monk, and from John Staupitz, the chief of his order 
throughout Saxony. He was also blessed in the discovery of a Latin 
Bible, which he read most eagerly. Unmistakable leadings of God were 
these, preparing him for the lofty vocation to which he was appointed ! 
When twenty-five (1508) he was summoned to the University of Witten- 
berg, where his especial employment was the delivery of lectures upon 
the Scriptures. Four years later (1512) he received the degree of doc- 
tor of theology. He then " vowed to his most dear holy Scripture, and 
made oath to it, to preach and to teach it most faithfully and clearly ! " 
Light already had dawned upon him on the leading principle of Chris- 
tianity, — justification through faith, without any merit of works. When 
he came to understand the saying, " In the gospel is the righteousness of 
God revealed," and that not God's own righteousness but man's right- 
eousness in God's sight is meant, " then," as he wrote, " I felt myself 
wholly a new creature, and that I had found, as it were, a wide-open door 
to enter into Paradise itself. I beheld my precious holy Scripture as very 
different from what I had known it before. The whole Bible and the 
heavens themselves were laid open to my gaze." From this day his 
penetrating mind shone forth more conspicuously in his daily lectures and 
sermons. He had, even before the year 1517, attained a clear knowledge 
respecting repentance, faith, and justification. He had already, by 
preaching his doctrine in a sermon to the Dresden Court (1516), deeply 
displeased George, the duke of Saxony. 

How could Luther, thus believing, be anything else but highly indig- 
Opposes papal nant at tne tra de in popish indulgences carried on by Tet- 
paxdons. ze \ ? How could he be otherwise than disturbed in his 

conscience ? He preached upon it in the castle church of Wittenberg, 
and got little favor from the elector Frederick for so doing. He felt 
himself still urged on by the growing imprudence with which the indul- 
gences were circulated, and by their corrupting influences. He was im- 
pelled, upon the 31st of October, 1517, to post up his ninety-five theses, 
maintaining the gospel way of obtaining remission of sins. He accom- 
panied them with a challenge to a discussion, on November 1st, the Day 
of All Saints, when great crowds of pilgrims were to come to the castle 
church (Church of All Saints) to receive indulgences. Though he an- 
ticipated it not, these theses proved flashes of lightning which kindled a 
flame through the Christian church, and spread as if the angels them- 
selves were carrying them. Nor could Luther be moved to retract them, 
either by the vehement threats of cardinal Thomas Cajetan, or by the 
courtly arts and craft of Charles von Miltiz. To the former's question 
as to where he would live when nowhere tolerated, the answer of Luther 
was, "Under the broad heaven." He proceeded (November 28, 1518) 


to offer in the Corpus Christi chapel of "Wittenberg a formal appeal from 
the proceedings against him by pope Leo Tenth to a general council. 
He even went (December 10, 1520), with his students attending him, 
outside the Elster gate of the city, and there burned the pope's book of 
decretals and his bull against himself, with the words, " Because thou hast 
vexed the Holy One of the Lord, may everlasting fire vex and consume 
thee." No vindictive feeling, but a holy impulse, inspired Luther to this 
bold act. He gave a signal to Christendom no longer to fear the pope, 
but to contemn his power and cast off his yoke. He acted for the cause 
of truth and the confirming of the common people. 

Luther was led on to Worms by a like spirit. Admonished beforehand 
of the fate which befell Huss, he replied that if they should Brave Btand at 
kindle a fire all the way from Wittenberg to Worms that Worms, 
would reach to the sky, he would appear there, because he had been sum- 
moned ; he would enter the mouth of behemoth between his great teeth 
to confess Christ, and let God order the result. Again, when he re- 
ceived, not far from the city of Worms, a warning from even his friend 
Spalatin against entering, he answered, " Were there as many devils in 
Worms as there are tiles on the roofs, I would still enter ! " How the 
heart of Luther was stirred at that period, and yet how full of repose 
in God, appears from his prayer in Worms : " O God ! O God ! O Thou 
my God ! Stand Thou by me, my God, against all the reason and the 
wisdom of the world. Do this. Thou must do it, — Thou alone. The 
cause is not mine, but thine. For myself, I have here no business nor 
aught to do with these great lords of the world. I would rather have 
peaceful days and live undisturbed. But the cause is thine, and it is 
righteous and everlasting. Help me, Thou true, eternal God. I lean 
upon no man. Vain and useless were it. Tottering is all that is fleshly 
or that savors of the flesh. O God ! O God ! . . . . Hearest Thou not, 
my God ? Art Thou dead ? No, Thou canst not die. Thou dost but 
hide Thyself. Hast Thou chosen me for this work ? I ask Thee. Do 
not I know it ! Aye, God has ordered it, for I never my life long 
thought to stand against such great lords. I never purposed it. O 
God ! help me in the name of thy loved son, Jesus Christ, my defense, 
my buckler, aye, my strong fortress, through the power and strength cf 
thine Holy Spirit! .... Lord, where art Thou? Thou-, my God, 
where art Thou ? Come ! come ! I am ready to lay down my life, pa- 
tient as a lamb. For the cause is holy : it is thine own. I will not 
let Thee go, — no, nor yet for all eternity. That resolve is^fixed in thy 
holy name. The world must leave me unconstrained in my conscience ; 
and though it were thronged with devils, and this body, which is the 
work of thy hands and thy creature, be cast forth, trodden under foot, 
cut in pieces, thy word and Spirit remain good to me. And it is only 
the body ! The soul is thine. It belongs to Thee. It will abide with 
Thee eternally. Amen ! God, help me. Amen ! " 


The God to whom Luther prayed was with Luther, and lent him cour- 
age to stand fast by the truth, and to present before emperor and em- 
pire words of confession which transcend many deeds of great heroes: 
" Unless, therefore, I am convinced through proofs from the Holy Script- 
ure, am vanquished in a clear manner through the very passages which 
I have cited, and my conscience imprisoned thus by the Word of God, I 
neither can nor will retract anything. Here I stand. I can do nothing 
else. God help me. Amen ! " 

And yet Luther was so frank as to say in a letter to Hartmuth von 
Cronberg (February, 1522), " This fine sport which Satan has got up 
in Wittenberg [the image breaking] has happened for a punishment to 
me, because when I was at Worms, I, in order to serve good friends, and 
that I might not appear too stubborn, suppressed my spirit, and would 
not make my confession before tyrants more pointed and severe. For 
which cause since that time I have often had to endure evil speeches 
from the false and ungodly. Many times have I repented of this same 
humility and reverence of mind." Luther painfully felt the way in 
which the German nation debased itself, and, in order to please the 
pope, thrust from itself gospel truth and freedom. 

Placed under the ban of the empire for. Rome's sake, he was carried 
by the elector Frederick the Wise, who saw him in Worms for the first 
and only time, to the Wartburg, as a secure asylum. In this fortress, 
Translates the ^is P a t™os, he began the work of translating the Bible. 
Bible. His task, entered upon by him alone with God, and pushed 

forward with faithful, untiring industry, was completed in 1534. The 
book breathes the spirit of God ; for its writer drank in the spirit of the 
Scriptures in its fullest measure. Thus the German Bible is filled with 
a power like that of the original itself. 

In March, 1522, Luther felt constrained, in order to save his people 
from fanatical disturbances, to hasten back to Wittenberg. He did so 
even against the will of the elector. He did not share the latter's fore- 
bodings, but wrote him, " I am repairing to Wittenberg, under a pro- 
tection "more powerful than that of an elector. I have no thought of 
soliciting the aid of your electoral highness. I indeed hold that I shall 
protect your highness more than your grace can protect me. If I knew 
that your highness could or would take up my defense, I would not come 
to Wittenberg. This matter the sword neither can nor ought to handle 
or cure. God alone must do this, without any human counsel or aid. 
Therefore, he who believes most strongly will here render the most as- 
sistance., Because I perceive that your highness is yet very weak in 
the faith, I cannot count your grace the one to protect or deliver me!" 

By his zeal and kindliness, Luther was soon able to quiet the disturb- 
ances in Wittenberg. He exerted himself with like ability in the quelling 
of the peasant insurrection, bearing witness to the duty of Christians to 


be subject to their rulers, and against the crime of insurrection. He in- 
sisted on the founding of schools, furthered a visitation of the churches, 
and gave to the teachers and the people a catechism, that gem of his pen, 
which expresses the clear, evangelical doctrine with such lively Christian 
faith and yet child-like heartiness. 

Entering into marriage in 1525, he himself relates to us his reasons : 
" I have not taken a wife because I expected to live a 

x Marries. 

long time, but that my doctrine might be confirmed by my 
example, and to comfort weak consciences after me, and that I might re- 
tain naught of my old papistical life." Further, he was influenced to 
marry by his father's desire, and by his recognition of the sacredness of 
the married condition. Besides, Catharine von Bora came, meeting him 
with her love. 

When the Reichstag met in Augsburg (1530) Luther stayed in Coburg, 
helping Melancthon especially by his counsel and comfort, and by his 
strong prayers, as once Moses gave help by his uplifted arms. 

The latter years of Luther's life passed amid toils and conflicts. At 
one time his anxieties led him, after going away from Wittenberg (1545), 
to write to his wife, whom he had left behind, " I would gladly arrange 
it so that I might not have to return to Wittenberg. My heart has 
grown cold, so that I no more like to be there. I wish that thou wouldst 
sell the garden, with hoof, house, and yard [huf, haus, und hof]. After 
my death the four elements will not allow thee to be in Wittenberg. It 
were better, then, to do what will have to be done, during my life." 
Nevertheless he was constrained to return thither. But the end of his 
life was drawing near. He went (1546), at the desire of the counts of 
Mansfeld, to Eisleben, arriving January 23d. He had first preached in 
Wittenberg (January 17th), with forebodings of his end, exhorting his 
people to constancy in the faith and against apostasy. Reaching his for- 
mer place of abode, he said, "If I can but reconcile my loved lords, the 
counts of Mansfeld, here in Eisleben, to each other, I will go home, lay 
me down in my coffin, and give my body to the worms to devour." He 
preached in Eisleben four times (January 31st, February 2d, 7th, and 
12th). One prayer and hope had often been uttered by him. As he 
says, " I have with great earnestness prayed God, and do now pray Him 
every day, that He would hinder the design of the foe, and suffer no war 
to come upon Germany in my life-time ; and I am assured that God has 
certainly heard this my prayer, and I know that while I live there will 
be no war in Germany." His desire was granted him. There was ful- 
filled in him the saying, " The righteous is taken away from Last illness and 
the evil to come." He fell ill on the 17th of February. death - 
Feeling his end approaching, he prayed, " my Father, God and Father 
of our Lord Jesus Christ, Thou God of all comfort, I thank Thee that 
Thou hast revealed to me thy dear Son Jesus Christ, in whom I believe, 


whom I have preached and confessed, whom I have loved and praised, 
whom the evil pope and all the ungodly dishonor, persecute, and revile. 
I pray Thee, my Lord Jesus Christ, that my soul may be dear to Thee. 
O heavenly Father, if it be so that I must leave this body and be torn 
away from this life, yet know I surely that I shall ever abide with Thee, 
and none shall pluck me out of thine hand." He repeated the words, 
" God so loved the world that he gave his Son," and " He that is our God 
is the God of salvation, and unto God the Lord belong the issues from 
death." He added thrice, " Into thine hand I commit my spirit. Thou 
hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth." And when Justus Jonas said 
to him, " Reverend father, will you die steadfast, clinging to Christ and to 
the doctrine which you have so constantly preached?" he answered em- 
phatically, " Yes ! " Soon after he fell asleep, on the morning of February 
18th. Let my soul die the death of this righteous man, and my last end 
be like his ! 

Let us venture a look into the soul of this man of God. Its grand feat- 
ures are truth, faithfulness, faith. His was a Nathanael's soul, free from 
guile, hypocrisy, or double dealing. His heart lay open before all men. 
His speech was the perfect expression of his soul. Even the man who 
has little perception of what constitutes sincerity and loyalty must be 
impressed by this in Luther's discourses. If uprightness and honesty 
be German characteristics, what German has ever possessed them in 
„ ^ , ,. greater measure than Luther ? Yet in Luther the German 

Luther's rehg- » _ 

ion. was thoroughly lost in the Christian. His was a genuine, 

hearty faith. His very being was penetrated with the truth of God's 
"Word, and especially with the truth of Jesus Christ and the glory of his 
holiness. His faith was a part of himself, the very spring of his thought 
and life. To impute to the Scripture or to Christ falsehood or deception 
would have been to him a fearful crime ; his whole nature would have 
revolted from it. Hence his firm, immovable position on God's Word as 
on the eternal rock. The very essence of this Word to him was the sin- 
ner's reconciliation through Christ, his pardon, his justification before God 
through faith without works. But faith with him was a thing of life and 
power, nay, the fountain of all life and all power. Distrust of faith as he 
taught it will never be felt by those who consider what that faith wrought 
in Luther and by him. Nor did he depreciate good works, but only their 
use in the service of pride, ignorance, and vanity. His faith grew from 
his profound recognition of human depravity and weakness. " It is the 
property of God to make something out of nothing. Therefore of him 
who is not yet nothing God cannot make anything. Man out of some- 
thing makes something ; but it is a vain, useless work. Therefore God 
receives only the forsaken ; heals only the sick ; gives sight only to the 
blind, life only to the dead, penitence only to sinners, and wisdom only 
to the foolish." Luther's faith was Luther's power and symmetry. It 


gave him his woi'k and his consciousness that he was called of God. He 
says, " To a good work a man goes by a certain call of God, not by a 
setting apart of himself to it, or by what he would call his own plan.'' 
It is certain that Luther did not undertake the reformation of his own 
fancy. " That unawares and with no thought or purpose of my own I 
am come into this dispute and quarrel, I call God himself to witness." 
If any man's work may be counted pure, then may Luther's. Who 
makes so little of his own name or of himself as " chief" ? He declares, 
" Let them attack my person who will, and as they will ! I am no angel. 
But my doctrine, since I know that it is not mine but God's, I will suffer 
no man to attack unresisted." He testifies frankly, " For myself, I know 
not Luther ; I will not know him ! I preach not him, but Christ. Him 
the devil may take if he can, if he but leave Christ in peace." Of the 
purity and candor of him who sinks thus his own personality, his " I," we 
have the fullest assurance. 

Luther's faith and assurance of his divine vocation gave him also his 
heroic courage. His work led him into the severest con- Luther's cour- 
flicts. He challenges his foes : " Come on, then, all to- age " 
gether, as you are together and belong together, devils, papists, and fa- 
natics, all in a heap ! Up and at Luther ! Ye papists from before, ye 
fanatics from behind, ye devils from every quarter, track, hunt, pursue, 
sure that you have the game in front of you ! If Luther falls, you will 
have joy and victory. I see clearly that it is all lost trouble ; there 
is nothing won by scolding, by teaching, by admonition, by threat, by 
promise, by entreaty, by supplication, by patience, by humility, by pre- 
tending or coaxing ! Whatever I try, however I change or turn, it is of 
no avail ! " He took this opposition as a good sign. " If the world 
were not vexed at me, I should then have to be vexed at her and afraid 
that what I was doing was not of God. Now that she is offended at me, 
I must be strengthened, comforted, and assured that my enterprise is 
right and of God." 

He met conflict within ; and, as a wise Christian to whom the power of 
the prince of darkness is no fiction, he deemed that Satan was using his 
weapons against him, and hurling fiery darts into his soul. He makes 
confession : " Oh, would God — would God that my foes could experience 
for a quarter hour the misery of my heart ; how surely I could affirm 
that they would be changed and saved ! But enough cf this, lest I be 
impatient of the chastening of God, who smites and heals, kills and 
makes alive. Blessed be his holy pleasure and his perfect will ! Surely 
one so hated of the world and its prince must be pleasing to Christ. 
If we were of the world, the world would love its own." 

Luther also tasted deeply the comfort of the Holy Spirit. " What 
does it concern me if the world calls me a devil, if I know that God 
calls me his angel ? Let the world call me a seducer as long as it pleases, 


while God calls me his faithful minister and servant, the angels call me 
their comrade, the saints call me their brother, the faithful call me their 
father, the distressed call me their saviour, the ignorant call me their 
light ; and God to all this says, Yes ! And it may be the angels say it too, 
and all creatures ! What triumph, forsooth, has the world over me now ? 
What great harm has it done me ? " Clear sun-gleams are these into 
the soul of Luther, showing its lowest depths, disclosing the solid rock of 
his assurance of God's love. We may know whence came the hardy 
courage by which he cried, " In God's name and at his call I will tread 
on the lion and the adder; the young lion and dragon will I trample 
under foot ! It shall be begun in my life, and accomplished after my 
death ! " It was the same courage which gushed forth in his hymn, " Ein' 
feste Burg ist unser Gott," with an overflowing tide of heroic song. 

Would it have been a strange thing if his boldness had induced ar- 
Luther-g child- rogance ? But instead Luther excels in child-like humility 
like spirit. au( j simplicity. He had not a mock humility which would 

make him disclaim powers which were possessed by him. But true hu- 
mility and simplicity shine brightly forth in him. He never boasted of 
divine inspirations ; he drew from the Word of God alone. He did not 
count himself authorized to preach in places other than those to which 
he was expressly called. He was compelled almost against his will to 
write much ; and what a treasure of Christian truth is laid up in his 
writings ! Yet he wished that all his books might perish, if they were 
to lessen in any degree the reading of the Holy Scriptures. He judged 
that it was hardly according to the New Testament to write many books. 
The Apostles had written few, and before they wrote they had preached 
personally to the people, and had converted them. For his part, " if he 
had heen able, in his whole life, with all his powers, to make one single 
person better, he was ready to thank God and let all his writings after 
that perish." 

How courteous and friendly Luther was to every one, all who knew 
him bore witness. He makes, in fact, this notable confession : "lam 
warned, and not only by my fellow-townsmen, but by letters out of many 
countries, that I should not make myself so common to everybody, and 
I blame my too abject spirit. I have also often resolved that to oblige 
the world I would make myself somewhat more grave or more saintly (I 
hardly know how to express it), but God has never granted me the gift 
of accomplishing it." The words of Christ, " Except ye be converted, 
and become as little children, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of 
heaven," were verified in Luther. He was from first to last a child-like 
spirit. He once exhorted his congregation, " Let none be ashamed of 
' Our Father,' of the Ten Commandments, or the Creed. Let us stay 
with the children, and we will assuredly never be lost. God help us so 
to do. Amen ! " 


Could a man like this be lacking in love ? His life was full of love. 
The Reformation was a work of love as truly as a work of faith. From 
love to the poor misled Christian people he undertook his difficult task. 
He knew something of the sorrow which Christ felt over the fainting 
and scattered flock. He gladly served all, and shared what he had with 
all, though he was not rich. He loved his friends ; he loved his wife and 
children. Let the charming letter witness which he wrote from Coburg 
to his little John (see page 276, note 2). Those who have denied him 
the gentle qualities of the heart should hear what he has written on 
the word " Hebe " (meaning both love and beloved) : " Whoever knows 
German knows well what a hearty, fine old word it is, the ' liebe ' Mary, 
the ' liebe ' God, the ' liebe ' prince, the ' liebe ' man, the ' liebe ' child. I 
know not that the Latin or any other language can utter the word 
' liebe ' with the heartiness and satisfaction which belong to it in our 
German tongue, as it pierces and tingles the heart and all the feelings." 

But the violence of his language against his opponents ? His un- 
yielding manner towards men of different opinions ? What, Lut h e r's vio- 
forsooth, would the mildness, moderation, anxious timidity, lence - 
of a Melancthon have done against the foe ? The popish beast could be 
beaten only by a club such as Luther wielded. Erasmus himself acknowl- 
edged, " God has given the world in these last times, when great and sore 
plagues and diseases have increased, a severe, sharp physician." He held 
stoutly to his belief because it was to him a matter of conscience. He 
wrote to Capito, " My love is ready to die for you, but whoever touches 
the faith touches the apple of my eye ; impose what you will upon our 
love, but beware of our faith in all things." To Bucer : " You will as- 
cribe it not to my stubbornness, but to my genuine conviction and the 
necessity imposed by my faith in matters in which you would honestly 
act otherwise, that I must refuse assent to this agreement." In 1538 he 
wrote, "Just as strongly as our opponents insist, on unity of loving do 
we insist on unity of teaching and of believing. If they will leave us 
that uninjured, we will praise the unity of love as much as they, but in 
all cases without detriment to the unity of the faith and of the spirit. 
For if thou lose that, thou hast lost Christ. If He be gone, then indeed 
the unity of love will be of no profit. But on the other hand, if thou 
preserve the unity of the spirit and of Christ, it hurts thee not if thou 
art not at one with such as pervert and debase the word, and thus de- 
stroy the unity of the spirit. Therefore, rather will I let not only these 
but the whole world fall away from me and be mine enemies than that 
Christ fall away and be made mine enemy. And this would happen if I 
should let go his clearly revealed word, and follow their vague dreams, 
wherein they force the words of Christ to their own meaning. To me 
the one Christ is more and grander than all the unnumbered onenesses 
of love." 



A chosen instrument of God was Luther, whose equal had not been 
known in Christendom since the days of Paul. He was the chief com- 
batant and champion against the power which held the world bound ; all 
its hate he drew upon his head. He was the restorer of the pure evan- 
gelic doctrine, revealing its source to all by his Bible. Luther's Bible 
became to the church universal not only the occasion of new versions, 
Luther as a but their fountain. Luther was the apostle of the Ger- 
German. man na tion. He glories in Germany. " Nothing," he says, 

"has ever been told so much to the praise of us Germans — nothing, I 
believe, has ever exalted and preserved us — as people's saying that we 
are a sincere and constant folk, whose yea is yea, and whose nay nay. 
We have yet a spark (may God cherish and increase it !) of the ancient 
virtue, so far, at least, that we are still a little ashamed and displeased 
to be called hypocrites, although foreign and Greek ill-breeding is gain- 
ing a hold." This last fact made Luther call the Germans the apes of 
all other nations ; he said, " We Germans are such fellows that what- 
ever is new we take and stick to it like fools. Let a man try to turn us 
from it, and he will only make us more crazy after it." Half a thousand 
years earlier, abbot Siegfried of Goerz had made complaint, in a letter 
to Poppo, the monkish reformer, of the German aping of the French. 
Who cured the German nation of this folly as Luther, in whom shone 
forth the pure German ? By him the German people obtained the Bible. 
By his mighty preaching the German people were taught the gospel. 
By his hymns the German heart was inspired with celestial truth, for 
music was with Luther a consecrated art, a second theology. When 
Luther struck the chord, it resounded in a thousand songs. Where in 
the church is such a treasure of holy song as was gathered by Luther ? 
The German church is a Croesus in psalmody. 

Would that Luther's word could be listened to ; would that German 
thought and Christian sentiment could blend in this nation, as they 
blended in Luther ! Then would Germany be new born. But if his 
word dies out, Germany's glory is gone. Would that Germany could 
again be taught how great a gift God bestowed on her when He gave 
Luther ! — L. H. 


A. D. 1529-A. D. 1542. CHILD-LEADER, — NORTH GERMANY. 

On May 4, 1529, Martin Luther is writing a letter on business to his 
friend, Nicholas Amsdorf, pastor in Magdeburg. By his side, in excellent 
spirits, is his wife, Catharine von Bora, who three hours later is given a 
little daughter. The next morning the happy father tells his friend, 
with thanks to God, of the joyful event, and begs him to stand godfather. 


He writes, " Most estimable, worthy sir : God, the father of all goodness, 
has been graciously pleased to make me and my dear Katie a present of 
a little daughter. I beg you, therefore, for God's sake, to take upon 
yourself the Christian office of a father in Christ to the poor little hea- 
then, and assist her to become a Christian through the venerable and 
divine sacrament of baptism." This daughter was Magdalena, in whose 
soul God found great delight, and so hastened to remove her from this 
evil world ; for she had not completed her fourteenth year, when the 
Lord who gave her took her to heaven by a gentle death. 

Luther's household, into which Magdalena was born, was then an es- 
tablished fact. Luther had learned from God's Word that to forbid 
marriage was contrary to the will of the Lord, his Creator, and that 
monastics vows, whether taken from constraint or in ignorance, were 
wrong, and not binding upon the conscience ; marriage was a holy state 
ordained by God, and having the promise of his blessing. He had 
therefore unfettered the consciences of priests, monks, and nuns from 
their vows of celibacy, as early as the winter of 1522, when he abode 
in the Wartburg. Many of them had married before Luther, who was 
anticipating an early death for himself, had thought of taking the step. 
Finally, when left alone in his Augustine cloister with the prior Eber- 
hard Brisger, who was also preparing to leave him, Luther made up 
his mind to quit the deserted abode, first, however, delivering it over to 
his sovereign. Before this he had turned it into a resting-place for poor 
pilgrims, who were suffering for the sake of the gospel. After the 
death of Frederick the Wise (May 5, 1525), his brother and successor, 
John the Constant, presented the monastery with its garden to Luther. 
It was a rambling, tumble-down place, which required rebuilding and 
constant repair, and then only a third part could be made habitable. 
Thus the cloister became Luther's home. Thither, on June 13, 1525, he 
conducted Catharine von Bora as his wife. Shortly before Luther , s houge _ 
this date (June 2d), he had written the elector Albert, keeping, 
archbishop of Mainz, exhorting him to marry, and make a princedom 
of his bishopric, and give up the false name and appearance of a spirit- 
ual potentate. Though Luther looked at marriage soberly, knowing its 
crosses and cares, he was untiring in sounding its praise : " But this state," 
he says, " is for a pious and God-fearing person." Then he goes on to 
say, "There can be no more lovely, affectionate, and gracious relation- 
ship, communion, and companionship than a good marriage, in which 
husband and wife live in peace and unity. On the other hand, nothing 
can be more bitter and painful than this bond, mutually broken and sev- 
ered. The next worst thing is the loss of children, which I have expe- 

Luther was called upon to part with two of his children by death. 
When Magdalena died, he had already lost one daughter, Elizabeth, but 


the blow was less painful, because at her death she was hardly a year 
old. The stone which covers her grave is preserved to this day in the 
old church-yard of Wittenberg. Close by lies a granddaughter of Me- 
lancthon. Magdalena was sent to the sorrowing parents instead of their 
dear Elizabeth, just nine months after her death, and was an extremely 
sweet and loving child, gentle and obedient. For two years and a half 
she was, excepting their eldest-born John, their only child, 1 and when 
Luther was on his travels he seldom forgot, in writing to his wife 
Katie, to send greetings to his two children, Hanschen and Lenchen, 
as well as to their cousin Lena. When he, at the time of the Augsburg 
Reichstag, 1530, where the confession was made, was staying in Coburg, 
he wrote the charming letter, so well known, to his four-year-old John, 
about the children's paradise of which he had a vision. 2 Lenchen was 
too young for him to write to her, being little more than a year old. 

We are not at all sure that she did not have to thank her cousin 
Lena for her name ; the latter is first mentioned by Luther in a letter 
of February 15, 1530, as one of his family. This often-named cousin 
Lena was an orphaned young woman, a daughter of Luther's sister, 
who was taken by him into his home, and proved a great help to his 
wife, till she married (November 27, 1538) a worthy friend of Luther, 
Ambrose Bernd, of Jtiterbog, treasurer in Wittenberg, by whom she 
was left a widow (in January, 1542). Luther often called to mind the 
death of Ambrose, who was a devout man, and departed out of this 
world well prepared, quietly falling asleep without a taste of death's bit- 
terness. He wished many times that he might slumber at last as gently 

1 Luther had six children: 1. John, born June 7, 1526. 2. Elizabeth, December 10, 
1527; died August 3, 1528. 3. Magdalena, May 4, 1529; died September 20, 1512. 4. 
Martin, November 7, 1531. 5. Paul, January 28, 1533. 6. Margaretha, December 17, 

2 The letter is as follows: "Mercy and peace in Christ, my dear little son. I am glad 
to hear that you learn your lessons well, and pray faithfully. Go on doing so, my child, 
and when I come home I will bring thee a pretty present. 

" I know a very beautiful, delightful garden, and in it are a great many children, all 
dressed i n little golden coats, picking up nice apples under the trees, and pears, and 
cherries, and plums. And they sing and jump about, and are very merry ; and besides, 
they have beautiful little horses, with golden bridles and silver saddles. Then I asked 
the gardener whose garden it was, and who were these children. He said, 'These are 
children who love to pray, who learn their lessons and are good.' Then I said, 'Dear 
sir, I have a little son called John Luther; may he come into this garden, too, to eat 
such apples and pears, and ride, on these beautiful little ponies, and play with these chil- 
dren? ' And the man said, ' If he loves to pray, learns his lessons, and is good, he may. 
and Lippus and .lost, too [little sons of Melancthon and Justus Jonas]; and when they 
all come together, I hey shall have pipes, drums, lutes, and all sorts of music, and shall 
dance, and shoot with little hows and arrows.' 

" And he showed me a fair lawn in the garden, made ready for dancing. There were 
pipes of pure gold, drums, and silver bows and arrows. But it was so early that the 
children had not had their breakfasts. So I could not wait for the dancing, and said to 
the man, 'Oh, my dear sir, I will go away at once and tell all this to my little John, 
that he may be sure to pray and to learn w'ell and be good, that he also may come into 
the garden. But he has a dear aunt Lena; he must bring her with him.' Then said 
the man, 'Let it be so; go and write him this.' 

"So, niv dear little son John, learn thy lessons, and pray with a glad heart, and tell 
all this to Lippus ami Justus, that they too may learn their lessons and pray. Then you 
will all come together to this garden. Herewith I commend you to the Almighty God; 
and greet aunt Lena, and give her a kiss from me. Thy dear father, Martin Luthek." 


and happily. Luther was at that date (1542) much occupied with the 
thought of his own death, and made his will, little thinking that his 
loved daughter would precede him and go that very year. So God had 
determined it. 

The first of September, Magdalena was taken seriously ill. Her 
brother John, the playmate of her childhood, now a youth of sixteen, 
had several years before this been sent away from home, which the 
constant stream of friends and visitors made a most unquiet place, to 
Luther's faithful friend, Marcus Crodel, at Torgau. Hence he did not 
know of his sister's illness. Luther therefore wrote the following 
letter: — 

" Grace and peace to my dear friend, Marcus Crodel. Please do not 
let my son John know what I am now writing. My daughter Magdalena 
is at the point of death, and will soon be at her heavenly Father's right 
hand, unless God otherwise orders things. She has such a longing desire 
to see her brother that I must send the carriage for him. They have 
always been so fondly attached that perhaps she may rally again at the 
sight of him. I do what I can, that my conscience may not hereafter 
reproach me for neglecting anything. Therefore, please let him come at 
once in the carriage, without telling him the reason why. He shall soon 
return to you, whether she die in the Lord or be once more given back 
to us. Fare thee well in the Lord. Only tell him that it is a secret 
which he shall know as soon as he comes to us. All the rest are well." 

For fourteen days the loved child hovered between life and death. 
Once, during this period, Luther said, " I love her very 
dearly, and would like to keep her, if Thou, O Lord God, child's death- 
wouldst leave her with me; but if it is thy will, dear Lord, to 
take her to Thyself, I shall rejoice in knowing that she is with Thee." And 
to the child he said, " Magdalena, child, my precious little daughter, thou 
wouldst like to remain here with thy father; and thou wouldst also will- 
ingly go to that Father above, wouldst thou not?" "Yes, dear, darling 
father [Herzensvater], as God wills," she answered. When she lay in 
the last agony, he fell down on his knees in her chamber, by her bedside, 
weeping bitterly, and prayed God to release her. She fell asleep Sep- 
tember 20th, at nine o'clock in the evening. The night before her death 
her mother had a dream that two beautiful youths were come to conduct 
Magdalena to a wedding. When Philip Melancthon, the next morning, 
heard of this dream, he said, " The young men are the good angels who 
will come and conduct this young maiden into the kingdom of God, to 
the real marriage." And indeed it was so, for she was a true child of 
grace, as Luther, though with the father's heart in him deeply smitten, 
yet strong in faith and with Christian resignation, acknowledged to his 
friend Justus Jonas (September 23d) : "You will have heard," he writes, 
" that my dear daughter Magdalena is born again into the everlasting 


kingdom of Christ. My wife and I, it is true, ought only to give thanks 
to God, and rejoice at so happy an issue and blessed departure, whereby 
she is saved from the power of the flesh, and from this world of the Turk 
and the devil ; but natural love is so strong that we cannot say this with- 
out many tears and sighs ; indeed, we are almost broken-hearted. For 
the thought of our pious, obedient daughter, her looks, her words, her 
whole being, as she was in life and death, is too deeply imprinted on our 
hearts, even for the death of Christ (and what is the death of all men 
compared to his ?) to chase away all grief, as it should. Therefore, sing 
thou praises to God in our stead. For He has truly wrought a mighty 
work of grace in us, in that he hath so glorified our own flesh. You 
know how gentle and caressing and overflowing with love she was. 
Praised be our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, who hath called, elected, 
and highly glorified her. Oh, that to me, and to all of us, may be granted 
such a death, or rather such a life ! This is all that I beg God, the father 
of all comforts and all mercies, to bestow upon us." Somewhat later he 
writes to Magdalena's godfather, Amsdorf. to thank him for a letter of 
condolence: " Yes, I loved her dearly, not only because she was my own 
flesh, but because she had such a gentle, patient disposition, aud was so 
child-like in her submission to me. But now I rejoice that she lives with 
her Father, and sweetly sleeps till that day. And as our times are bad, 
and will grow worse, so do I wish for myself and all mine, also for 
you and all yours, such a last hour, so full of faith and sweet peace ; this 
were indeed sleeping in the Lord, neither seeing nor tasting death, nor 
experiencing the least particle of fear." 

With words not unlike these Luther also went through the sad offices 
ins child's fu- connected with the burial of his loved one. When her 
neraL body was laid in the coffin, he said, "My dear Lenchen, 

how happy art thou now ! " Then gazing on her, as she lay there, he 
went on, " Ah, thou dear Lenchen, thou wilt rise again, and shine forth 
as a star, nay, as a sun." The coffin having been made too short, he said, 
" The bed is too small for her, because she is dead " (the body had length- 
ened in death) ; adding, " The heart indeed rejoices, but the flesh mourns 
and weeps. The flesh cannot consent; the parting is difficult to bear, be- 
yond measure. How wondrous that we know and are sure that she is 
so well and at peace, yet we are so sad ! " When the people came to the 
funeral, and offered him condolence, after their wont, he replied, " Ye 
should be glad that I have sent a saint to heaven ; yes, a living saint. 
Oh, if we could only die such a death! Such a death I would willingly 
accept this very hour." When one said, "That is true, yet we would all 
like to retain our loved ones here," Luther answered, " Flesh is flesh, and 
blood is blood. I am rejoiced that she is yonder. The sorrow that over- 
comes me is of the flesh." When the coffin was covered with earth, he 
said, "There is a resurrection of the body." When they returned from 


the burial, " My daughter is now provided for, both iu soul and in body. 
We Christians have no cause for sadness. We know, too, that these 
things must be so. We are most certainly assured of the life eternal, 
for God, who cannot lie, has promised it through and for the sake of his 
dear Son." When the mother wept and sobbed, and could not be com- 
forted, he said to her, "Dear Katie [Kathe], think whither she has gone. 
She is well off! But flesh and blood must be flesh and blood, after their 
own sort. The spirit is alive and willing. Children do not dispute, but 
as they are told, so they believe. With children all is plain. They die 
without pang or fear, — no disputing or struggling with death, no pain of 
body, — as if they were falling asleep." When his son John weakly cher- 
ished his feelings, weeping a great deal and writing mournful letters from 
Torgau, making his mother's heart heavy, Luther sent him grave, fatherly 

In all this home picture there is nothing extravagant, nothing artificial ; 
nothing of that idolatry of the flesh which is often seen in the midst of 
the refined, secular culture of our times ; nothing of sanctimoniousness, 
suppressing the God-created feeling of our natures, but the divine life 
and the human heart appear in their true relations one to another in all 
simplicity and truth. Faith keeps a rein upon the flesh by the power of 
God's Word. Nature denies not her weakness, which through grace is 
sanctified, not obliterated, — rather, by renewed innocence, is touchingly 
glorified. Whoever reads this story, and visits the home of Luther, in 
Wittenberg, let him, while contemplating the great reformer, also call to 
mind his daughter Magdalena, so early called away, and her child-like, 
loving words : " Yes, Herzensvater, as God wills." — H. E. S. 



Luther iu one place says that never in the progress of God's kingdom 
has there come any great revolution without the way being prepared by 
a revival of letters and of languages, even as John the Baptist prepared 
the way for Christ. This holds good respecting the preparation for the 
divine work of the Reformation in Germany. Two agencies were needed 
to open the way for it. One was the religious life gushing from the depths 
of the devout hearts of the Mystics ; for from among those enlightened 
Christians came John Staupitz, to influence, directly, the mind of Martin 
Luther. The other was the revival of letters, rising with Erasmus of 
Rotterdam, by which the knowledge of the Greek language was restored 
and the New Testament given to students in its original language. These 
two causes, which together helped prepare the way for the Reformation, 


will be found repeatedly exerting their influence as the Reformation goes 
on. The thorough religious enthusiasm of Luther must unite with the 
thoughtful, clear, profound learning of Melancthon, who is an Erasmns 
transfigured, his heart purified and filled with evangelic fire. 1 

Philip Schwarzerd (black earth) was the name, in the German, of the 
great man whose memory this story is designed to celebrate. By the 
usage of the times, it was translated into Greek, Melancthon, or, as it 
was written by him for the sake of euphony, Melanthon. He was born 
at Bretten, in Baden, February 16, 1497. There was a preparer of the 
Reformation, John Reuchlin, who had been of great service by restoring 
the study of the Hebrew and of the Old Testament in the original, as 
well as by combating the Dominicans and the Inquisition. To him 
Melancthon was related. To his care the young Philip became largely 
indebted for his training. Melancthon is to be counted with the great 
men who, maturing early, show in youth the very tendencies which are 
to distinguish their lives, and who still do not grow old soon, but go on 
toiling and originating with the strength of youth to the very last. It 
was speedily recognized by Erasmus that Melancthon would one day 
eclipse him. 

Melancthon while still a youth found his field of labor in Wittenberg. 2 
Called to Wit- He was to translate into the language of science what was 
tenberg. revealed by the Spirit to the mighty, apostle-like Luther. He 

was to mould and confirm the same. He was to produce a learning in- 
spired of God, which should accept as its loftiest task the searching of 
the depths of God's Word, in humble submission. He was to fathom 
ever more deeply the exhaustless treasures of wisdom which are hidden 
in Christ. When Wittenberg, on Reuchlin's recommendation, gave him 
his call, he was just twenty-one. The youth hesitated to leave his na- 
tive land to devote himself to so difficult a work in a strange country. 
He was reminded then by his kinsman Reuchlin of God's word to Abra- 
ham : " Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy 
father's house, unto a land that I will shew thee." The relation which 
sprang up between Luther and Melancthon, the man and the youth, — 
the fatherly love of the elder and the child-like, enthusiastic devotion of 
the younger, — was from the very first beautiful. When Luther stood in 

1 When Christ awakes new evolutions or creations He employs characteristics — twofold, 
at least — which shall be complements of one another. When a work of God is to be done, 
it is to be understood that He who appoints the end will, by bis manifold wisdom, also bring 
together all the means required*for the attainment of the end. By this, then, is the German 
Reformation shown to be a work prepared of God, that by the side of the older Luther 
the younger Melancthon was placed, so that when by the creative religious enthusiasm of 
Luther the first excitement was enkindled, a scientific expression might be given it by the 
aid of Melancthon. 

2 In accord with the ancient national characteristic of Germany, — that, religion should be 
the soul and centre of culture, and that all great intellectual achievements should spring 
from minds touched by Christ, — the higher schools were formed into work-shops of the 
Holy Ghost; the young spirits were appropriated by Him, along with their power in litera- 
ture, which He would use as his own voice. Wittenberg accepted such a vocation, and 
was the first 6eat of the German Reformation. 


great peril, after the Reichstag at Augsburg (1518), he wrote to Melanc- 
thon : " Act the man, as thou dost always. Teach the youth what is right. 
I go to sacrifice myself for them and for thee, if it please God so." Me- 
lancthon was warmed and kindled by Luther's holy fire. He wrote of 
their relations (August 11,1519): " I love the studies of Luther, and the 
holy learning ; I love Martin's self of all things ou earth most dearly, and 
I embrace him with my whole soul." When the tempest from Rome 
burst upon Luther, after the Leipsic discussion, Melancthon wrote (April 
17, 1520): "I would rather die than be obliged to part from this man." 
When Luther had been excommunicated and was threatened by the great- 
est danger, Melancthon wrote (November 4, 1520) : " Martin to me seems 
impelled by a divine spirit. We may help him to a happy issue of his 
work more by prayer than by advice. His safety is dearer to me than 
life. Nothing sadder could befall me than to lose Martin." He desig- 
nates Luther as the " only " man ; the man whom he dared prefer to the 
great men not only of that day, but of all former centuries, — to all the 
Jeromes and Augustines. 

While Melancthon saw in Luther the loftier stature, the nobler spirit 
whom he dared not censure, but before whom he must bow, Luther per- 
ceived in what degree Melancthon was transcendent. When, on the 
occasion of the famous Leipsic discussion, which influenced so decidedly 
the progress of the Reformation, a public share in the conflict was taken 
by Melancthon through a letter concerning it, the conceited Eck counted 
his dignity hurt by the way in which Melancthon blamed the fencers' 
arts and lack of results which were exhibited. He expressed himself in 
a tone of supreme contempt upon the young man at Wittenberg, — who, 
indeed, knew some Greek, — daring, instead of minding his own affairs, 
to meddle with a question of religion. Luther, on the other hand, de- 
clared, " Though I be master and doctor, and have almost all Dr. Eck's 
titles, I am not ashamed, if the view of this grammarian differs from 
mine, to yield my opinion." 

The thought which to Luther was the centre of the Reformation was 
fully grasped by Melancthon, — the sinner's justification solely through 
faith in his Saviour. This his books and letters clearly prove was to 
him a heart question. Gentle as he was, and thoroughly wedded to 
quiet study, conflict of spirit was not unknown to Melancthon, as he 
sought holiness before God and engaged in thorough self-examination. 
He turned to the truth named to obtain peace of conscience and joy. 
He laid hold then of the work of reformation with holy love and strong 
courage. He wrote to Philip, the landgrave of Hesse (1524) : " See 
what comfort the wounded conscience finds in the Word, when it attains 
to the consciousness that righteousness is to believe that our sins are 
forgiven through Christ without our making compensation, without any 
desert of ours ! I know men who, when their consciences could find no 


comfort by making satisfaction for themselves, or by good works of their 
own contriving, had lost, until they heard this doctrine, all hope of their 
salvation. Now, not only have they attained such hope, but strength 
and courage also for the conflict with evil. So much depends on our 
rightly understanding the gospel." 1 

Melancthon gave the German Reformation its first compendium of doc- 
Meiancthon's trines and of duties. He arranged for the learned what 

" common- -i-ii ,• -it,. 

places." Luther had presented in the language ot every-day life. 

It accorded with the nature of the Reformation that this book sprang 
from Melancthon's lectures on the writings of the Apostle whom the 
Reformation especially followed, and on that letter of his which was 
the chief support of the movement, the epistle of Paul to the Romans. 
The grand tendency of the Reformation declares itself from the first 
publication of this book of Melancthon, or from 1521. 2 

In Melancthon's relations to Luther there appear successive stages. 
At first, as a youth, he was completely carried away by the power of 
Luther's enthusiasm. He was attuned by his grand spirit. Yet his own 
strongly marked individuality, penetrated as it was by the spirit of 
Christianity, was of service to the Reformation. After the year 1521, 
his own jjeculiar apprehension of truth was shown more and more, yet 

1 To John Brentz, the Wiirtemberg divine, on the occasion of his presenting certain 
difficulties, Melancthon wrote as follows (May. 1531): "Turn thy gaze wholly from self- 
renewal and the fulfilling of the law to the promises and to Christ; reflect that we are 
justified, that is, made acceptable to God, and are given peace of conscience, for Christ's 
sake, not for the sake of our own self-renewal. The new life in us is imperfect. Hence 
we are justified by faith only, not because it is the root of life, but because it. takes hold 
of Christ, for whose sake we are found pleasing to God, the new life forming in us also. 
Though this new life must follow, yet of itself it cannot give the conscience peace. Not 
love, which is the fulfilling of the law, but faith justifies men; not that it is itself a vir- 
tue in us, but only because it lays hold of Christ. We are justified not on account of 
love, not on account of the fulfilling of the law, not on account of our new life, — albeit 
these are gifts of the Holy Spirit, — but on account of Christ. We do nothing save take 
hold of Him by faith." He closes this explanation with the words, "This is the true 
doctrine: it exalts Christ's glory, and wonderfully quickens the conscience." From Christ 
as the onlv ground of salvation, appropriated by every one through faith, Melancthon 
was led, like Luther, to Christ's revelation of himself in his word, the Bible, as the only 
source of the knowledge of salvation. It was he who first unfolded with scientific accuracy 
and clearness the Reformation principle in this second aspect. This he did the first time 
he took part in open controversy. In the writing in which he defended himself against 
the aspersions of Eck (August, 1519), he said, "There is one plain meaning to the Script- 
ure, as celestial truth is the simplest of truths; and we can attain it by comparing Scripture 
with itself, according to its connection. We should search the Scriptures for this object, to 
try human doctrines and statutes by it as by a touchstone." 

2 The humility of learning is shown when Melancthon recognizes that after all at- 
tempts of former times to explain the Trinity, the creation, the union of two natures in 
Christ, nothing was perfected. He shows the knowledge of sin and of grace to he essential 
to the gospel. lie enters upon that alone which is directly connected with this founda- 
tion fact. Thus (he practical tendency of the Reformation is opposed to former move- 
ments (which sought to explain and decide too much in theology, and did not perceive 
the bounds and limits of human knowledge, nor separate the essential and non-essential) 
in a very significant way, easily understood, because of this very opposition, and justi- 
fiable in its very one-sidedness. At a later day Melancthon, while keeping to this prac- 
tical tendency, laid aside bis one-sidedness and greatly enlarged his compendium. The 
many editions of the same until his death are a picture of the progressive development 
of his theology. We discover in the manifold changes the unfettered, free-inquiring delver 
into God's Word, who can declare of himself that he must every day unlearn much, and 
that he was conscious of pursuing theology with no purpose other than holiness of life. 


still in complete unison with the spirit of Luther and the doctrine which 
he unfolded. 

The man of learning, gifted peculiarly with gentle spirit, thoughtful- 
ness, and clearness, made himself felt when he strove to soften by his 
modes of expression, and to guard against misapprehension, what Luther 
had ruggedly uttered with fiery spirit in the conflict of debate. In refer- 
ence to the Romish church there were two ways possible : either to mag- 
nify the differences which existed, in order to keep pure and entire the 
Reformation and the evangelical church ; or, amid the diversities of the 
churches and their doctrines, to bring out their higher unity, to moderate 
and limit the opposition at first too strongly presented. Both ways were 
needed for sound progress in reformation. If both were not observed, 
mistakes would be made in one direction or the other. The representa- 
tive of one view was Luther ; of the other, Melancthon. The hitter's 
position appears in the work written by him on the occasion of the first 
visitation of the churches of Saxony (Directions to the Clergy for the 
Right Presentation of Gospel Doctrine or Visitation Articles; 1527). 

While some who held fast to the letter of Luther's doctrine, as he had 
uttered it in debate, accused Melancthon of treachery to evangelic truth, 
the adherents of the papacy made him brilliant offers, on the supposition 
that he was about to return to the old communion. Luther, however, 
recognized in his friend's work his own spirit and doctrine in changed 
form, and said, in relation to slanders against him, " Whoever intends to 
do good must leave to the devil his jaw, that he may chatter." Hence- 
forward Melancthon had to strive hard against a party which often forms 
about great men, — the party of blind imitators, the narrow zealots who 
copy great men more in their faults than in their virtues, the former 
being so much easier to do ; who hold to the shell without the kernel, 
the letter without the spirit. In every deviation from the letter of Lu- 
ther's utterances these saw a deviation from true doctrine. They ex- 
alted what Luther had presented in rugged form, and thus showed their 
zeal for orthodoxy. Of such Melaucthon said that Luther hated their 
way more than he did popery. Instead of softening the heat of contro- 
versy and keeping away strange passions, they rather by their preaching 
poured oil upon the fire. Since the thoughtful, gentle spirit of Melanc- 
thon was most opposed to their wild course, marked as it was by fleshly 
zeal, they from the first directed against him their fiercest hate. They 
called him cold as ice, and accused him of indecision. Thus began those 
inner dissensions which afterwards proved so destructive to the evan- 
gelical church. 

When the controversy upon the Lord's Supper rose between Luther 
and Zwingle, Melancthon declared against the Zwinglian view as making 
the communion a mere commemoration of the redeeming sufferings of 
Christ, and turning the sacraments in general into mere symbols of con- 


fession. It was important, he held, to exalt the divine, the present Christ, 
who was to be discerned and received in the sacrament. He asserted 
that Zwingle's doctrine presented only the absent Christ as if in a drama. 
He wrote to the Swiss GEcolampadius, " The appeal to reason cannot 
convince one who remembers that he must decide in reference to heav- 
enly things by God's Word, not by geometric proofs, and who has learned 
that there are no arguments which can control the conscience when it 
has departed from God's Word." He said as it were prophetically, " If 
we reject a doctrine because it contains something supernatural, we will 
soon have to go further, and deny the Trinity, Christ's godhead, yea, 
even Providence and personal immortality, because everything that is 
an object of faith contains something beyond reason." 1 

Though Melancthon counted opposition to the Zwinglian doctrine im- 
portant, he lamented deeply throughout that what Christ gave as a 
pledge of his deepest affection was made the occasion of sundering 
hearts, plunging them into conflicts and hatreds. He early wrote to his 
trusted friend Camerar that he saw no other issue to this controversy 
than that men should be led into profane discussions and disputes, and 
their attention drawn away from the essentials of salvation. He was 
forced to lament that all the fairs were overwhelmed with books, treating 
of this one question, as if it were the whole of Christianity. He often 
declared that if he could weep a flood of tears equal to the Elbe, he could 
not bewail this conflict sufficiently. He sought from the first an under- 
standing upon the question by a calm, passionless investigation according 
to the Scripture. 

We now come to the Augsburg Reichstag (1530), so important in 
ms great work tue history of the evangelic church. Melancthon, the fore- 
at Augsburg. most theologian of his side in attendance, took two papers, 
prepared by him along with Luther and other theologians, of which one 
was a confession of essential articles of faith, the other a list of the 
Romish doctrines especially to be rejected. These two papers Melanc- 
thon was to blend into one whole. Thence rose the " Augsburg Con- 
fession," or, as it was called at first, " Apology, in defense of the Protest- 
ant doctrine." Its purpose was to defend the evangelic church against 
the charge of heresy, to prove its doctrines truly catholic, and yet as 
mildly as possible to set forth the Romish beliefs to be rejected. Me- 
lancthon was especially fitted to do this by reason of his peculiar char- 

i Events have been fulfilling Melancthon's prophetic utterance more and more, even to 
the final denial of what is supernatural or beyond reason. This is the disease of our own 
age, the source of most of its evils and of the worst, nor will relief from them come save 
by a return to the principles of genuine Christianity which Melancthon proclaimed. We 
are met more and more by this highest problem of life, — to accept the gospel, with its sub- 
stance above reason and nature, and known only by revelation, or the unbelieving way of 
looking at things, by which man loses (i d and 'himself together, and nothing is left him 
save to immerse himself in sensual pleasure, and to say, using the watchword of this school, 
as Paul repeats it, "Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die!" — the resignation of 
skeptic despair. 


acter, already referred to. When Luther received the confession, he 
declared his entire satisfaction therewith, saying that he ought not to 
change anything, for he could not express himself nearly so gently. He 
named this Augsburg confession " the gentle stepper." The paper was 
drawn up in both Latin and German. A glorious day in the history 
of the evangelical church and of our fatherland was that 25th of June, 
when this confession was rjresented openly in the presence of the em- 
peror and the states, in the name of all its supporters ! It was the 
emperor's wish that it be read in the Latiu, in which it would have been 
understood only by a few. But the elector of Saxony, John the Stead- 
fast, declared, " Since we are on German ground and soil, we may be al- 
lowed to talk pure German." It glorified the German tongue that in it 
such a simple and powerful witness for the Saviour Christ was openly ex- 
pressed. Luther wrote at the time, " The grandest thing that happened 
at the Reichstag was that Christ was proclaimed and extolled in so plain 
a confession." In his letters to Augsburg he was wont to distinguish 
Melancthon by the title of the confessor. 1 

We approach now what was for Melancthon the most severe and crit- 
ical period. To avoid a religious war, a final attempt was Negotiates w i t]l 
made to harmonize the two sides by negotiating on the Rome - 
points in controversy. But it is ever bad to treat religious questions in 
diplomatic conferences, such as may take place respecting war and peace 
or the boundaries of empires. Such efforts were among the troubles of 
that period. There were two opposing tendencies in men's views of 
Christianity and the church. One held to the stand-point of a hierar- 
chical development, freed, perhaps, from excrescences and abuses ; the 
other would purify and renew everything in dependence upon Christ as 
the unchanging source of salvation and of the church, — on his Word apart 
from all human contrivance. Such a controversy might exalt the knowl- 
edge of the Christian truths received by all, but there was no escaping 
the conflict when once entered upon. It would not be softened or re- 
moved by any negotiations, as long as neither party would yield its 
stand-point or principle. Luther was therefore quite right in his declar- 
ing that the pope and he could never agree unless the pope would give 
up his popery. Melancthon proceeded in these conferences according to 
his peculiar tendency of mind and those principles of his already re- 

1 There did not result from this Reichstag, as was expected from the manner in which it 
was summoned, any effort to compose religious differences on the basis of the confession. 
1: was handed over for refutation to the most extreme doctors of the opposite side. These 
prepared a "confutation." When it had been read in public, a copy of it was asked 
bv the Protestants. This was offered on condition that they would keep it secret and not 
answer it, — a condition they would not accept. Some of them had been able to note down 
much of it during its reading, and thus Melancthon was enabled to prepare the first draft 
of a reply. Afterwards, when the "confutation" was published, Melancthon drew up 
a complete defense of the confession. Thus rose that royal work of Melancthon, in de- 
fense of the confession (Confessio Augustana), known as the "Apology" (Apologia Au- 


ferred to. He would surrender no essential doctrine. He would not 
give up justification through faith alone. 1 

But in externals, in church government, he was ready to yield. He 
declared himself willing to accept the ancient structure, with the papacy 
at its summit, as the government of the evangelic church. It must, 
however, he with such conditions as would preserve the true doctrine. 
If such an arrangement had been made, it had been a great detriment to 
the evangelic church, injuring her life more and more. We here see 
how every peculiarly great talent inclines to an extreme, unless balanced 
by opposite talents. It needed a Luther, without whom the Reforma- 
tion as a new creation had not existed, by the side of the mediating, 
compromising spirit of a Melancthon. Yet, while Melancthon occupied 
this stand-point, his very timidity, as the zealots deemed it, had more 
of spirit and courage than he would have shown had he simply aided 
their rugged opposition to the papacy. He could not satisfy the repre- 
sentatives of the. Romish system nor the emperor. Because he yielded 
in one thing, he was expected to yield in another. His firmness in what 
to him seemed important was considered obstinacy by men who looked 
at the subject only from a diplomatic stand-point. They laid the blame 
upon him when no result came from the efforts at compromise. Melanc- 
thon offended also the zealots of his own side, and became a constant 
object of their suspicions. He adhered to his principles when, without 
regarding the outcry which he thus excited against himself, he added 
to Luther's Schmalkald confession (1536), which (in its fourth article) 
rejected every visible head of the church as both unnecessary to the 
church's true unity and injurious, his o"wn declaration that he was ready 
to accept the supremacy of the papacy in the evangelic church as an or- 
dinance of man, provided the pope would support the gospel, that is, the 
pure, reformed evangelical belief. Thus, also, he held at the Regensburg 
Reichstag (1541). There the first effort was made for au "interim," 
that is, a temporary adjustment of religious differences, to hold till final 
action was taken by a general council. Such an adjustment had been 
planned by John Gropper, a canon of Cologne, and Gerhard Volkroeck, 
an adroit diplomatist in the train of the imperial minister cardinal Gran- 
velle, probably with assistance from others. By mutual agreement the 
two sides were to be brought near each other ; that is, as John Frederick 
said, the new wine was to be poured into old bottles, the new cloth 
sewed on the old garment. Nothing could come out of it. Melancthon, 

1 Even in the Reichstag at Augsburg, as we learn from Melancthon's own lips, there were 
gome who would have suffered a diluted form of the doctrine, such as recently has been 
heard from members of the evangelic church who have apostatized from her true essence. 
They would signify only that man's righteousness proceeds from the disposition. lie must 
worship God with a pure heart. If they may wrench the doctrine in this sophistical way, 
they may find traces of it in tin- old writers before Christ, and may indeed he amazed that 
it lias caused so much controversy. Rut Melancthon, as we have seen, was penetrated with 
the doctrine in its true meaning, and asserted it most important to keep unsullied this jewel 
of the evangelic church. 


the profound scholar of history, whom his deep historical insight gave 
something of the prophetic, recognized from the first, as he compared 
such efforts at compromise with similar ones of old, that nothing would 
he gained, but bad would be made worse. When he had to take part 
in the arrangement, he felt unable to depart from the views which he 
had laid down, however much ill will was thereby excited against him. 
He often regretted that he was obliged to take part in these diplomatic 
negotiations. He had to undergo self-denial in so doing. His simple 
manners and frank nature did not fit him for diplomacy or intercourse 
with the great men of church and state. He would have preferred his 
books, his learning, his instruction of youths, holding this, as he did, far 
nobler and more important than all these public discussions. By them 
his life was embittered. 

Here we must bring up a thing which we have deferred so as not to 
break the historical connection, but which is of moment in share in Philips 
characterizing this great man. The year 1540 proved to bl s am y- 
him a hard year. Profound sorrow was given the theologians, because 
they were not able to withhold Philip, the landgrave of Hesse, who fell 
into subjection to his sensuality, after he had done so much for the Refor- 
mation, from unchristian bigamy with Margaret von Sal a. Melancthon, 
especially, could not get over his regret that he was obliged, against his 
choice, to be present at Rotenburg, at the celebration of the marriage. 
His grief weighed upon him. With oppressed spirit and forebodings he 
left Wittenberg to go to Hagenau, to renew the unpleasant negotiations 
for compromise. Upon going out of the door, he said, " As we have lived 
in synods, we will die in synods." On the journey his slight frame gave 
way to his mental conflict. He was taken, at Weimar, with a severe ill- 
ness, which brought him to the brink of the grave. He was weary of 
life. His tender conscience gave him no gladness in prolonging it. In 
this extreme hour Luther was summoned quickly from Wittenberg. 
He was frightened at the appearance of his friend, who seemed so near 
death, and who would hear no encouragements nor consent to take any- 
thing. Luther went to the window, praying with the ardor peculiar to 
him, and with the assurance of faith which removes mountains. Strength- 
ened through prayer, and filled anew with divine strength, he turned to 
Melancthon's bed and insisted that he should eat. When he refused, 
Luther commanded him in the name of Christ to take something, saying, 
" Thou must eat, or I will excommunicate thee." The power of his word 
and look forced Melancthon to yield. It proved the beginning of his re- 
covery, which he ascribed to Luther, saying in a letter to Camerar, 
" Luther suppressed his own sorrow that he might not increase mine, 
and with the utmost greatness of soul sought to strengthen me, not only 
by comforting me, but by constraining me. If he had not come to me I 
should have died." 


We have seen Melancthon side by side with Luther, maintaining his 
own individuality. The two mutually recognized their diversities, yet 
were thoroughly joined in the unity of the spirit. The Lutheran and Me- 
laucthonian elements should always unite and mutually complete each 
other for the prosperous growth of the evangelic church and its theology. 
The sundering of these two tendencies of the Reformation, a schism in 
which one or the other will be put down, must exert the most hurtful in- 
fluence on the progress of the reformed church. In such schism was the 
germ of the evils which followed. The party of narrow zealots for the 
very letter of Luther's doctrine, which has been referred to, had in- 
creased. Some of them, in contact with Luther, were able so to use the 
weakness of the man, now oppressed by the burden of his toils, growing 
soon old beneath the tribulations befalling God's work, and gloomily dis- 
posed often by sickness, as to excite in him suspicion of his old friend and 
fellow-laborer, and to scatter seeds of discord. He was told that he 
cherished a snake in his bosom. Melancthon had much to suffer and en- 
dure. Onlv by his foresight and thoughtfulness, his gentle forbearance, 
moderation, and patience, was the breaking out of an open strife avoided. 
Melancthon was afraid that he would have to leave Wittenberg. Lu- 
ther's great soul was happily able to recover itself from these discords. 
As long as he lived, the party of narrow-minded, passionate zealots were 
restrained, in a measure, by his authority. Everything changed at his 
death. Many another sad occurrence followed, kindling the long-smoul- 
dering fire into flame. Inner feuds rose in the evangelic church, lasting 
till the death of Melancthon, filling his life with bitterness, in many ways 
injuring his blessed usefulness, yet giving him many opportunities to 
prove his gentleness, mildness, patience, and moderation. 

Close on the death of Luther came the Schmalkald war, and the victory 
of Charles Fifth. The electoral office was transferred from the magnani- 
mous John Frederick, who was cast into prison by the emperor, to the 
young duke Maurice of Saxony, who had left the evangelic party. The 
emperor decreed the new "interim " of Augsburg, a worse piece of patch- 
work than ever, and more full of disaster to the cause of Protestantism. 
Melancthon declared himself against it in the most open and emphatic 
manner, showing what disquiet of conscience would be produced by it, 
what a tender subject the worship of God was, and what need there was 
to avoid all changes that would offend and lead men astray. His utter- 
ance, which was communicated to the emperor, offended him. Charles 
was incensed already by a report that a recent libel against him had been 
written by Melancthon. He was barely pacified by the elector Maurice, 
after having asked that Melancthon be given up to him as a disturber of 
the peace. Further negotiations on church affairs in Saxony ended in 
the Leipsic "interim." Respecting this Melancthon considered that he 
must act on the same principles as before, and so drew upon himself re- 


newed obloquy. A change came, when Maurice turned to be a champion 
of religious and political liberty, and secured the peace of Passau. Still 
the old controversies went on. The Melancthon school was a mark of 
passionate attack by the theologians of the opposite party. The two 
theological schools, the one in the restored University of Wittenberg, 
with Melancthon at its head, and the other in Jena, waged stout war on 
each other. Melancthon took pains to banish harsh expressions respect- 
ing absolute predestination, irresistible compelling grace, and denial of 
cooperation to the will in conversion. He founded a system of doctrine 
upon the New Testament attributes of God, more conformable to God's 
savins: counsels and actions, and more in agreement with the needs of the 
human soul. In Melancthon we find doctrine in agreement with life. 
Often, in seeking comfort for himself or his friends, as they lost dear 
children, he would say, " This love to our children which God has im- 
planted in our hearts is a pledge to us of the love of God to his only be- 
gotten Son and to us. A God who has planted such love in our hearts 
is no stoical God, no God of iron necessity." 

Melancthon had further trouble with the party of narrow zealots re- 
specting the sacrament. He remained true to his position, opposing the 
Zwinglian view. But all that he counted essential was the real pres- 
ence of Christ in the ordinance as a means of true, supernatural fellowship 
with Him. He wished a composition on this basis of the strife which 
separated the two portions of the evangelic church. For this object the 
Wittenberg "Concord" was formed (1536), but not as Melancthon 
wished. He preferred a clear understanding upon the ques- iropes for union 
tion, rather than a covering up of differences. Since Cal- Wlth Calvm - 
vin's view approached Melancthon's, an agreement was hoped for. But 
the strife, which broke forth anew in the last years of Luther's life, con- 
tinued. Melancthon cherished thoughts of a thorough union, for which 
the time was not come. He said, a few mouths before his death, in a 
letter of advice to the elector of the Palatinate, on the occasion of the 
controversy in Heidelberg, " The Son of God is present in the ordinance 
of the Supper, and here works in believers ; He is present, not for the 
sake of the bread, but for the sake of man." He appeals to the expres- 
sions in the last discourses in the Gospel of John respecting Christ's fel- 
lowship with believers. '' In such words of true comfort," he says, " Christ 
testifies that we are his members, and that He will raise up our bodies." 
Thus Melancthon wrote, facing the rude storms which filled the last days 
of his life with toil and care. As much as he strove to avoid strife and 
preserve Christian unity, he would not deny what he considered the 
truth, cost what it would. He expected proscription. He had been 
threatened by his raging foes with having left to him not a foot of ground 
for a resting-place. 

Amid controversies so painful and oppressive to his soul, amid ingrat- 


itude and misapprehension which he had to endure, Melancthon in his 
closing years hecanie filled with an unutterable longing for home. He 
would fain be away from conflict, in the laud of peace, — away from the 
darkness of earthly life, where there is so much strife over the veiled 
and unknown, in the light of immediate vision. He was comforted by 
a profound presentiment that he would soon go thither, rescued from 
the discords of earthly existence. He wrote in May, 1559, " Not un- 
willingly, if God please, will I depart out of this life. As the wanderer 
who makes his way in the night eagerly looks to the morning dawn, so 
do I eagerly await the light of the celestial ' Academy ' on to-morrow." 
"In yon heavenly fellowship," he writes to a friend, " will I again em- 
brace thee, and joyful will we talk then with each other at the fountain 
of heavenly knowledge." In August of the same year : " I think every 
day on that last journey, and eagerly await that light in which G^d 
will be all in all, and sophistries and calumnies be left far away." The 
thoughts of this letter are also expressed in some words which Me- 
lancthon wrote a few days before his death, and which were found on 
his desk. In them he presents his supports in his impending departure 
out of his earthly life, and reckons among them that he will be freed 
from the rage of theologians, will attain to the contemplation of God 
and Christ, and will perceive clearly all that was veiled and hidden here 
below, — why we were created as we are, and how in Christ the two 
natures were united. 

Of the period of Melancthon's last illness we will cite a few things 
incidents of his characteristic of the man and of his surroundings. Duke 
Last days. Albrecht, of Prussia, a generous patron of all who labored 

for the church or for science, who had maintained a lively correspond- 
ence with Melancthon respecting the affairs of the church and the state, 
desired to gratify him by a token of respect. He did not know, how- 
ever, whether to send him money or something else. He turned to 
Justus Jonas the younger, of Wittenberg, for advice. The latter con- 
sulted Melancthon's son-in-law, Kaspar Peucer, the elector's physician, 
professor of medicine and history. The latter, as Jonas reported to the 
duke, replied, " I would rather that no one would send my father-in- 
law money. If money is sent him, it does neither him nor his chil- 
dren good, for he saves it not. I see how he does when his salary 
comes in : he gives it away till not a farthing is left. Anything lacking 
in the household I must supply. Thereby none of us are any too well 
off. " Jonas therefore advised that a beaker be sent Melancthon. One 
was purchased of the value of a hundred dollars. When it arrived, 
Melancthon was dead. Before his death (April 19, 1560) he heard 
read several favorite portions of Scripture : Psalms xxiv., xxv., and 
xxvi. ; Isa. liii. ; Christ's priestly prayer ; and Romans v. The last words 
which he spoke audibly were, "The saying of John is ever before my 


eyes, and upon my heart : As many as received Him, to them gave He 
power to become the sons of God, even to them that believe on his 
name." — A. N. 



" Of a maker of shoes a sweet singer has grown, 

And grand poet to teach us that 'great is our Lord; ' 
For He chooseth as pleaseth Him, knowing his own; 
The poor cobbler he showeth his grace-giving word." 

So we find written in Latin verse under an engraving (on copper, by 
Lucas Kilian, of Strassburg) of the year 1617, which represents the bust 
of Hans Sachs in advanced old age ; and we heartily give our assent. 
A contemporary of Luther, Sachs imbibed with wonderful correctness 
the leading ideas of the Reformation, clung to them with the fidelity 
of conviction, and strove successfully to give them life among the people 
of Germany. 

Hans Sachs, son of a master tailor, was born in Niirnberg, November 
5, 1494. He was apprenticed to a trade which was very flourishing 
there, and, while it furnished abundant support for a family, did not hin- 
der one who followed it from public usefulness. He became a maker of 
shoes, and was never ashamed of his calling. He grew up to it at home, 
" with good manners, with modesty and reverence." He was taught in 
the Latin school of his city the elements of learning such as his times 
required. According to custom, he became an apprentice at fifteen, and 
at seventeen (1,511) set out on travels, as was usual. Thus he became 
acquainted with a large part of Germany, making stays in the larger 
cities. He reached home when twenty-one (1516), and clung to Niirn- 
berg with affectionate devotion until the end of his career. He soon 
(1519) established a home of his own, marrying Kunigunde Creutzer, 
of Wendelstein, near Niirnberg, and was so prosperous that he removed 
(1540) from the suburbs into the city. There, at 969 Flour Street 
(Mehlgasslein), near Hospital Square (Spittelplatze), a memorial tablet 
invites citizens and strangers to visit the home which his name makes 
famous. Here he plied his trade to extreme old age, never laying it 
down till compelled by the loss of sight and hearing. After his first 
wife's death he married Barbara Harscher (1567), who survived him. 
He himself died in his eighty-second year, in the night of January 
19-20, and was buried January 28th, in John's Cemetery. He had ever 
been a loving, trusting husband, and enjoyed to the full the honors fall- 
ing to him as a citizen. He left no children, two sons and five daugh- 
ters having died before him. 


But bis especial work of life had been appointed him of God in an- 
other province, an ideal region. It is a striking fact — would it might 
Artist as well as occur again in our day ! — that many artisans of that day 
artisan. were able with the vigorous practice of their calling to 

combine higher pursuits, the prosecution of which usually demands the 
whole mind. Hans Sachs found his real task, given him by God, in po- 
etry, — in minstrel song, then flourishing. Nor was he more than one 
in a throng of artisans who strove for laurels in song and poetry. Sachs 
enumerates twelve leading master singers who, one after another, had 
conducted the school of song at Nurnberg, from Conrad Nachtigall down 
to his own instructor, the linen weaver, Lienhard Nunnenbeck, whose 
successor he himself became, in the guidance of the general society of 
the master singers, who in his time numbered some two hundred and 
fifty in Niirnberg. 

The mere study of his life convinces us that Sachs's poetic work was 
ordained of God. His home training fitted him to address in song the 
popular thought and moral sense. The school he attended was indeed 
conducted, as he tells us, " according to the bad usage of our time." 
It gave him but a partial and soon-forgotten knowledge of Latin and 
Greek. Yet he there learned to speak " distinctly, correctly, and clear- 
ly," and to love and practice the rudiments of the art of song, and many 
sweet, pleasant instrumental pieces. He acquired, too, a lively interest 
for all useful knowledge, which he kept as long as he lived. When an 
apprentice he found in Nunnenbeck a valiant leader of his art, and 
fell enthusiastically in love with it and its higher aims. On his travels, 
he visited the chief seats of poetry in Germany, and not only began 
himself to compose, but to form classes, in Frankfort-on-the-Main and 
other cities. He came, when in Wels, to a full consciousness of his 
calling. Repelled by the rough ways of ignoble comrades, he renounced 
their follies, and turned his mind to the noble art, as he, in Hesiod style, 
tells us in his " Story of the Muse's Late Gift." On his way to the 
imperial park, he was surprised by the Muses, as he slept on the grass 
among the flowers by the fountains. He says of one of them: — 

" The goddess looked with kindly gaze, 
And said, O youth, wed poesy; 
Give German song thy coming days, 
Devote thyself to minstrelsy ; 
Therein promote God's royal name, 
Tell men his deeds of noble fame." 

When Sachs doubted, and spoke of the inexperience of a youth hardly 
twenty, he was given by the Muses "a steadfast will, desire and feeling, 
great diligence in learning the principles of his art, and every gift he 
required." Thus endowed he sang his first song (1514), "The Mys- 
tery of the Godhead." He showed thus at the start the direction he 


would thereafter give his art. When on those same travels he met 
Martin Luther in Augsburg (1518). From him he received his final 
consecration to poesy, and his thorough resolve as to the way he was to 
take to reach a crown of immortal glory. Thus he came back (1519) 
to his home with settled purpose and thorough definite mental aims to 
devote himself to both his earthly and heavenly calling with all his 

The interest he took in Luther was shown by his zeal in collecting 
his writings. By 1522 he had forty productions of Luther, and looked 
on them as the choicest treasure of a library which he had gathered with 
great pains. "All these books," he says, "have I, Hans Sachs, collected, 
to honor God in his Word and to benefit my neighbors. 1522. The truth 
abides eternally." The next year he salutes Luther, his teacher, as the 
" Wittenberg nightingale now heard everywhere." 

" Wake, wake ! the dawn is near! A wondrous song I hear in green hedge rising clear; 
It is the nightingale ! It sounds o'er hill and dale ; night shall no more prevail. 
In east the day draws nigh, morn's rosy red climbs high, the clouds and darkness fly; 
The broad sun gazes down ; now pales the setting moon before the coming noon ! " 

He then goes on to unfold his full understanding of the faith as preached 
by Luther. He tells it simply and plainly, as if from his own innermost 
conviction. It is made plain that Hans Sachs possessed the books of 
Luther not outwardly only. He is roused and possessed by the spirit 
of Luther. He is become a thorough evangelical Christian. Sachs was 
enriched by all that was called into life by Luther's Reformation. His 
library soon contained Luther's translation of the Bible. Sachs and the 
Compelled before to do with the early versions, he found Blble - 
in Luther's work, in both form and substance, what his soul longed for. 
At once his minstrelsy adopted its rules for its future creations. It 
should avoid all deviation from the language of Luther, and look upon 
such as a mistake. There is a marked difference to be seen between his 
earlier and his later songs. He owed to Luther release from the Mid- 
dle-Age confusion of tongues and scholastic talk far removed from real 
life. He now became thoroughly intelligible and popular. After the 
complete Bible of Luther was printed, Sachs, without wearying, rehearses 
treasures of Bible histories, and presents whole books in poetic form. 
He makes but slight change or addition, and this only from the require- 
ments of his rhyme. 

In the year 1523, Luther's attention turned to sacred song. Imme- 
diately Sachs's poetry assumed a new character. As early as 1525 there 
appeared in Luther's style some spiritual songs founded on the Scripture, 
for the laity to sing, as, for example, " Ein schone Tagweiss von dem 
Wort Gottes " (A Christian Song against the Terrible Threatening of 
Satan). His old songs he remodeled. In place of "gentle Mary" he 
spoke of " gentle Jesus." He sang no more of the " the Heavenly 


Lady," but of " the Heavenly Christ." In the same way, Heyden, the 
rector of Sebald, was then singing, instead of " Hail, thou queen, mother 
of mercy," " Hail, Jesus Christ, thou king of mercy." 

Sachs followed Luther's track also in prose writings (1524). In four 
His reat r se dialogues, published together, he assailed his opponents 
works. vvi tla ready, cutting wit, convincing argument, and evangelic 

statement. The leader in the dialogue and champion of the good cause 
is a shoemaker, John, evidently the poet himself. The first dialogue, 
'• Discussion between a canon and a shoemaker, wherein the Word of 
God and the true Christian character are maintained," goes thoroughly 
into the question whether laymen have any right to join in the discus- 
sions of the learned, and seek on their own account for the truth of the 
Holy Scriptures ; also, whether the clerical order, with the pope at its 
head, is founded upon the Scripture, and whether public worship which 
admits the invocation of Mary and the saints is allowable. All these 
questions he answers in accordance with the opinion of Luther and the 
latter's little work, " On Christian Liberty." The second dialogue, fol- 
lowing Luther's book " On Clerical and Monastic Vows " (1521), rejects 
all these ordinances of the hierarchy, and calls the monks from their 
cloisters to enter life and go to work, " to which they are born as truly 
as are birds to fly." The work of Sachs widened when he not only op- 
posed the upholders of the old system, but in his two later dialogues 
administered to the friends of the new system excellent counsel and ad- 
monition. They were to renounce all immorality, according to the light 
given them, cease from useless controversy, and, on the other hand, prac- 
tice that patient love which would rather yield in matters of indifference, 
and avoid scandal and offeuse, than rush into untimely and foolish quar- 

Sachs, beyond any poet of his day, made the spread of classic letters, 
so helpful to the German Reformation, subserve the ends of his Muse. 
Translations of the old writers were appearing in great numbers. They 
were quickly given a place in Sachs's library, and made serviceable in his 
poetry. To these may be added also what the Middle Ages and later 
centuries had produced, the stories of countries and cities, the popular 
talcs. Petrarch and Boccaccio, Reuchliu and Erasmus, Luther and 
Melancthon, — their treasures were all turned to use. Hans Sachs was 
clearly the most comprehensive writer that Germany has ever pro- 

In the year 1529 Luther's catechism appeared. By the year follow- 
ing Sachs had turned both parts of it into poetry, wholly in accordance 
with Luther's meaning. Thoroughly attached to Luther as he was, and 
bound up in his writing, he did not suffer himself to be cast down by his 
death (1546). In ;i royal elegy he offers comfort to Theology, which 
he portrays as "a woman in snow-white robe, following the bier, wring- 


ing her hands and tearing her hair," and adds the following pointed 
lines : — 

" Our God still cares for thee; thy friends are here, a royal band still striving ; 
Thou 'It not forgotten be. The church of God yet lives, its strength reviving; 
The powers of hell now flee. Take courage, then, nor mourn if Luther leave thee; 
A hero, conqueror, he ! the battle won, no foe remains to grieve thee." 

Sachs himself was one of a knightly royal company, that took pains 
to perfect the work of the great reformer and maintain the faith in ut- 
most purity. In Sachs's time Niirnberg was one of the very first of Ger- 
man cities, and in a certain sense the German capital. Sachs was a 
chief ornament of Niirnberg, holding a most important place as musical 
director and member of the city council. Niirnberg's disposition to help 
the Reformation to the utmost sprang from her citizens as a mass. 
While Sachs was but one among them, his voice had great effect in secur- 
ing the acceptance of Lutheran views, and in conferring upon the city 
great advantages. Niirnberg as a state and Hans Sachs are closely re- 
lated. They both wanted church reform, and through it the renovation 
of Germany. When the Turks overran Hungary (1532), and threat- 
ened Vienna and Germany, Sachs published a poem of two sheets, 
" Against the Bloodthirsty Turk." He summoned the whole nation to 
arms, to fight as one man valiantly against the ancient foe of Christian- 
ity. Beginning with the emperor, he calls Charles Fifth to let his eagle 
crest appear ; with fiery, penetrating words he summons the holy empire, 
and every rank and station, to come at once to the field. Niirnberg, 
accordingly, was one of the first in the field, doing even more than her 
share, and all the states were stirred to lively emulation. 

Sachs like Niirnberg held to the emperor, even at times when such 
allegiance was of doubtful propriety. Thus they not only Sachs as a citi . 
aided him against France (1536), but also in the Schmalcald zen - 
war. Sachs ma'de but once a direct attack on the papacy, at the time 
(1527) when the troops of Charles entered Rome as conquerors. He 
then aided Andrew Osiander, preacher of Lorenz church, who published 
the predictions of Abbot Joachim of the thirteenth century. The citi- 
zens of Niirnberg took no offense at his work, but the council feared 
the displeasure of the victorious emperor, whose subjects they loved to 
consider themselves, and passed a harsh censure on the poet. None the 
less Niirnberg held to the Reformation, taking part not only in the pro- 
test at Spires (1529), but also in the Augsburg confession (1530), reject- 
ing the views of Zwingle. She would " not value the emperor's favor 
above the grace of God." This same year, Sachs issued a series of valu- 
able poems in aid of the work of Luther. 

In the years 1541 and 1542, Sachs raised a strong voice against discord 
in the realm, first during the Niirnberg Reichstag, when he wrote the 
" Captivity of Truth," warning against all self-seeking in opposition to 


God's Word, and also in a poem (1544), which advises the restoration of 
the common good [" respublica "] and of peace and harmony. In the 
same mind he opposed margrave Albrecht, the foe of his city, when he 
beleaguered Niirnberg (1552). Sachs helped by the pen his city and his 
fatherland as a good patriot till the end of his life. When he reached 
sixty he thought that he must lead the rest of his life in quiet, " free and 
at leisure from all poetic labor ; " but his muse would not release him, 
calling him to work even with his feebler powers to the glory of God. 
As his life hastens to its close, he sits at his table, with long beard, silently 
looking at his books and his open Bible, which to the last he counted the 
gem of his library. 

Beautiful, rare example of one who fulfilled his life and work in the 
noblest way, and royally met the demands of his twofold occupation ! 
His character corresponded to the aims of his life. From youth, his heart 
avoided corrupting influences. Even in the jest and humor of which he 
was so fond, he never let anything escape him which would incite to sin. 
When he approached such thoughts, — and his use of secular books fur- 
nished too frequent occasions, — he used ever to add a word of excuse, 
saying, " I pray, lay not the blame of this to me, Hans Sachs." At times, 
indeed, the patriarch of minstrelsy is a child of his generation, and speaks 
in a popular way, with a wit inclining to coarseness and rude jest. Yet 
he is for the most part kept therefrom by his evangelic thought and pure 
frame of mind. He was very modest in his estimate of his own moral- 
ity, as he shows by his censure of himself near the end of his life, in his 
poem " The Works of God are Good." 

Hans Sachs must thus ever be given a place among the evangelical 
leaders who cherished Christianity and fatherland, and did good service 
to both in their generation. He was ever true-hearted, guileless, cheery, 
and gracious. By his help the free city of Niirnberg became a metrop- 
olis of a popular, fertile literature, of which the Bible was the foundation, 
reverence and piety as well as spirit and aspiration the characteristics. 
Such a school of letters ever rises up when there is revival of the Ger- 
man national spirit, and advances grandly to the task of regenerating the 
fatherland, delivering it from aliens, leading it back to noble efforts and 
real Christianity. — F. R. 




John Brentz, a venerable reformer, was born June 24, 1499, at Weil, 
then a free city of Swabia, now a country town of Wiirtemberg, at the 
southeastern border of the Black Forest. His father, who was mayor 
of the city, aud his mother, whose maiden name was Hennig, took, as 
Brentz records in his will, the greatest pains with their children's educa- 
tion, especially in religion. Their adhesion afterwards to the evangelic 
faith, to which they were won by John, laid a penalty upon them, 
even in death, for they were refused burial in the church-yard, and were 
laid outside the city in unconsecrated ground. John went to preparatory 
schools in Vaihingen and Heidelberg ; then entered the Heidelberg Uni- 
versity (1512), and was welcomed by a company of eager youth, among 
them Melancthon, (Ecolampadius, Bucer, Lachmann, and Schneff, all des- 
tined to share with Brentz, ten years later, in the work of religious re- 
form. When Luther came to Heidelberg (1518), after his ninety-five 
theses had stirred all Germany, he expressed his glad hope that these 
young men, unlike the old who were confirmed in their notions, would 
spread true views of Christianity. Brentz attained success in Heidelberg 
as a teacher and preacher, though suspected by the papists. When 
twenty-three (1522) he accepted a call to preach in Swabian Hall, and won 
popularity there both by the substance of his sermons and by his graceful 
delivery. Gently but decidedly he opposed Romanist abuses in doctrine 
and worship, and strove to make his church and school evangelical. He 
taught, respecting the worship of saints, that we should not ask for them 
what they did not ask for themselves. We should not set up in oppo- 
sition to God beings whose lives were united with God. There should 
be no dividing of our prayers. 

When the peasants revolted (1525), Brentz taught that they should 
rather submit to their rulers than resist. Their course would not pro- 
mote Christian love or brotherhood. They should present prayers to 
God and implore the rulers who oppressed them to lighten their burdens. 
He advised the city to defend itself against the peasants. If it yielded, it 
would be lost. He strove to perform the double task of bringing not the 
people only, but the priuces, to a knowledge of God's Word, that they 
might rule their subjects rightly. He especially devoted himself, as did 
Luther, to the work of education. He anticipated Luther Firstto ^ itea 
by a year in preparing a catechism, the first of the reformed catechism, 
church, the " Catechism of the Christian Faith for Youth at Swabian 
Hall " (1528). He was drawn (1525) into the controversy on the Lord's 
Supper, opposing the Swiss view, and defending Luther's view of the or- 


dinance from the Scriptures and the Fathers. He met Luther once more, 
at the Marburg colloquy (1529). At the same time he came to know 
Ulrich, the exiled duke of Wurtemberg. At the request of duke Ulrich, 
when the latter had been restored to rule in Wurtemberg, Brentz led in 
the reform of the University of Tubingen. He not only reformed his own 
church, he was asked to give counsel elsewhere, by the nobles in Kraich- 
gau, in Hohenlohesse on the Lower Neckar, in the Swabian free cities, and 
in Franconia, especially in Niirnberg and Anspach. He was taken by the 
margrave George of Brandenburg to the Augsburg Reichstag (1530), and 
was elected one of the negotiating committee. He also attended confer- 
ences at Schmalcald, Worms, and other places. On his return home from 
Augsburg occurred his marriage with Margaret Grater, a worthy widow. 
They were given six children, of whom three survived their parents. 

Soon after Luther's death (1546) there began the fearful Schmalcald 
war. The troops of the emperor entered Brentz's parish. With great 
difficulty he escaped their endeavor to seize him, taking with him his 
family and his most valuable papers. He ran great risk from letters 
which he, so long in favor of submission to the emperor and peace, had 
written to justify the Protestants. These letters, in which he maintained 
that their self-defense was right, were found and carried to the emperor. 
Brentz had to hide in the forests from December 21st, on through the 
cold winter, till the departure of the emperor's troops permitted his return 
to his plundered dwelling. He was not long left undisturbed. He could 
not approve the " interim," which the emperor sought to enforce as a 
means of combining Romanists and Protestants in creed and church 
worship. He said that it was impossible to serve two masters opposed 
to each other. It was a mistake to suppose that the friends of the 
" interim " would tolerate the reformed doctrine, if the reformed would 
accept their ceremonies. They would insist that people acknowledge the 
primacy of the pope, while the Bible ascribed no supremacy to Peter, or 
any of Peter's successors. Besides, Brentz utterly rejected private con- 
fession to the priest, the mass and transubstantiatiou, and the prayers for 
souls in purgatory. This strong opposition of his to the " interim " 
stirred the fury of the papists. Cardinal Granvella ordered his seizure, 
living or dead. Brentz first took refuge in the castle of Hohenwittlingen, 
near Urach, in Wurtemberg. When no longer safe there, he went to 
Basel. He wrote from this city to John Calvin, describing the sad con- 
dition of Germany, and received in reply a charming letter, full of com- 
fort and admonition, with the assurance that Calvin remembered him 
continually in his prayers. Brentz met, in Basel, duke Christopher of 
Wurtemberg, then governor of Mompelgard. He also received news of 
the death of his wife. He could not rest, thinking of his orphaned chil- 
dren. He hastened back to Stuttgart. News of fresh persecutions com- 
ing to duke Christopher, Brentz was advised by him to escape as best he 


could. With a loaf of bread under his arm, according to the story, 
Breutz went to a house in the upper part of Stuttgart, and His notable es- 
there hid in a space between a pile of wood and the roof. cape - 
During two weeks constant search for him was made. All this time, a 
hen came where he was, at noon every day, and laid an egg in a nest. 
On this egg he kept himself alive, till the Spanish soldiers withdrew, and 
he could leave his hiding-place. He next took up his residence in Horn- 
berg, by the Black Forest, in the disguise of a bailiff. At one time, 
when he advised a preacher in the region not to preach so long, he re- 
ceived the answer, "You bailiffs "always think the time spent in church 
too long." A great many thought that such a bailiff was never seen be- 
fore, for he neither swore nor drank. At last, when the preacher was 
ill, and was consoled by Brentz from Scripture and his own thoughts, he 
exclaimed, " Ob, sir, you are no bailiff, be you what you may ! " Brentz 
entered into a second marriage in 1550, with Catharine, daughter of his 
friend Isenmann. They were given ten children. 

No sooner had duke Christopher assumed rule in Wiirtemberg (1552) 
than Brentz was called by him, first to Ehringen castle, then to Stuttgart 
as "provost." He not only preached, but faithfully counseled the duke 
in all church questions. He prepared the Wurtemberg confession of 
faith, which was laid by the duke (1552) before the Council of Trent. 
Afterwards Brentz wished to maintain it there in person. But notwith- 
standing he was shown courtesy, he was not publicly heard, for " it did 
not seem fitting to the assembled fathers to be instructed by those who 
should render them obedience." Brentz was author, in the main, of the 
Wurtemberg church constitution of 1559, which was followed by the 
church of electoral Saxony, in 1580, and by others. After Luther's 
death he was, next to Melancthon, the leader of the German The « th 
church. He was therefore called to bear a part in many mi s ht y m en." 
discussions, especially on the sacrament and the doctrine of justification. 
We need not be surprised to find that in his varied labors he had sad ex- 
periences, and often little thanks. Ouce, a strange preacher, visiting 
Stuttgart and hearing Brentz preach, to his astonishment found the 
church empty, and after the service was over expressed to Brentz his 
amazement. Brentz, on his way home, led him by a spring, and asked 
him what was the chief excellence of that spring. When his guest could 
not reply. Brentz said, In that it continues flowing whether many come 
to drink, or few : the preacher of God's Word must do the same. Brentz, 
in his closiug years, was very active in religious efforts on behalf of 
France. The hope was entertained that the evangelic faith would pre- 
vail in that kingdom. But duke Christopher, who had been called in by 
the king of Navarre as a mediator, found himself deluded by the French 
sovereign, and the cause of the gospel in France basely betrayed. 

On the death of his beloved ruler, Christopher (December 28, 1568), 


Brentz looked forward to his own departure. He had already made his 
will, ou the occasion of the breaking out of a plague (1566). In it he 
bore witness to his conviction of the divine character of the Scriptures, 
and to the church's teachings, so far as they agreed therewith. He blessed 
the grace of God, which, by means of Luther, had spread abroad the true 
light. He expressed his gratitude to the princely house of Wiirtemberg, 
which had pitied him in distress, and had cared for him and his family 
with countless kindnesses till his life's close. God would certainly take 
them into his keeping and preserve them in the true Christian faith. 
Towards the close of the year 1569, Brentz, in the midst of his labors, 
was taken with paralysis. He revived, but in August, 1570, was attacked 
by a severe fever. The last day of August he received the Lord's Sup- 
per, with his family and his brothers in office. He exhorted the latter to 
Christian steadfastness and unity, referred especially to Paul's farewell to 
the elders of Ephesus, and closed by repeating the one hundred and thirtj^- 
third Psalm. Silently praying God, he expired Monday, September 11th, 
and the next day was buried near the pulpit of the cathedral. He had, 
a short time before his death, chosen the spot, so that if ever any one 
from that pulpit preached a strange doctrine he might lift his head from 
out his grave and call to him, " Thou liest ! " 

Brentz's writings were everywhere esteemed. Many of them were 
translated into foreign languages. Luther thought so highly of them as 
to declare that no theologian had explained the Scriptures so well as 
Brentius ; that he was often amazed at his ability, and had doubts of his 
own powers. With an allusion to the fourfold vision which came to 
Elijah at Horeb, Luther said that his share was the mighty tempest, 
which rent the mountains and tore the rocks asunder, while Brentz's was 
like the soft whispering of the breeze. Twenty years after Brentz's death, 
the Roman Catholic pastor of Oeffingen, when talking with deacon Wolf- 
art of Cannstadt of the wealth of the monks, unlocked a huge chest, and 
showed him the works of Brentz, saying, " These are my wealth; I prize 
them more highly than any money." — J. H. 



Two periods are plainly visible in the Reformation in Germany : one 
when the great religious movement rose under the personal guidance of 
its first leaders, when with full hands they scattered broadcast the blessed 
seeds of gospel truth ; the other, when the first generation had been 
called home from their labors, and a second took up their work, guard- 
ing the Lord's ripening harvest, weeding out all foreign growths, and 


plucking up each growing tare, — in a word, the period of the compacting 
of the evangelical communion into denominations with their various con- 
fessions of faith. To this period belongs Ursinus. A member of the 
reformed church of Germany, he is perhaps the most renowned and hon- 
ored of all her theologians in the many countries in which the reformed 
church has taken root. To him chiefly we owe that most popular con- 
fession and book of instruction, the Heidelberg Catechism, which, ac- 
cepted by reformed people everywhere, has now entered upon its fourth 
century of usefulness. 

Zacharias Bar (in Latin Ursinus), born July 18, 1534, was the son of 
respectable although not wealthy parents. His father, Andreas Bar, was 
at the time of his son's birth a deacon of the Mary Magdalene church 
of Breslau. Afterwards he became ecclesiastical inspector and teacher 
of theology in the Elizabeth school of Breslau. The mother, Anna 
Roth, was of noble descent. Young Bar early showed great talents, 
which were carefully fostered by his father and teachers, studies at wu- 
When hardly sixteen (1550), he was advanced enough to tenber s- 
be sent to Wittenberg University. Such hopes of his future were ex- 
cited by his school testimonials that the council and merchant guild of 
his native town resolved to help him with a yearly stipend. He spent 
nearly seven years in Wittenberg, interrupted in his third year by the 
plague, which along with the condition of political affairs made his re- 
turn to Breslau seem advisable. It was now the last decade of the labors 
of Philip Melancthon, which had blessed so many thousands of youths 
by teaching the gospel at this centre of the Reformation. It was also 
the time when the peace of the church was disturbed by the violent con- 
troversies between Luther's followers and Calvin's on the doctrine of the 
Supper. Melancthon's last days were greatly saddened by the spiteful, 
abusive spirit of the zealots for the extreme tenets of Luther. Young 
Bar had been reared in Breslau in the peaceful Melancthon view. He 
attached himself closely to his revered teacher, and was loved by him as 
by a father. He was suffered to accompany Melancthon to Worms 
(1557), to a church conference. After its close the promising youth was 
enabled by the help of generous relatives to travel for purposes of study. 
He went by way of Heidelberg and Strassburg to Basel and Zurich, 
thence to Lausanne and Geneva, and then by way of Lyons and Orleans 
to Paris. Returning to Wittenberg (September, 1558), he visited Tu- 
bingen, Ulm, and Nurnberg ; Melancthon's powerful recommendations 
secured him everywhere an excellent reception. Calvin was then living, 
and other contemporary founders and leaders of the reformed church and 
doctrine. Ursinus (to use now his learned title) made the personal ac- 
quaintance of nearly all of them, and won their profound esteem and 
love. Calvin made him a present of his works, recording in them, with 
his own hand, his regard for the young man, with his good wishes. 


The journey was of great use to Ursimis. In Paris he increased his 
knowledge of Hebrew, acquired the French, and obtained a deeper in- 
sight into the state of the church in the various countries and districts 
which he visited. All his life through he kept up the acquaintanceships 
formed during this year, and with important results. 

Meanwhile, his friends in Breslau had been striving to obtain an ap- 
pointment at home for their scholar. An appointment as teacher in the 
Elizabeth gymnasium met him upon his return to Wittenberg. He ac- 
cepted it from love and gratitude to his city, yet with a heavy heart, 
for the strife between the parties of Luther and Melancthon was so hot 
there that he doubted his ability to maintain a public position in the 
midst of it. His convictions, too, which were ripened by travel, inclined 
to a decided adoption of the views of Calvin. Though at one with 
Melancthon in his love of peace, and thoroughly attached to the good 
man to the end, he could not approve his master's wavering between the 
views of Luther and Calvin, and refraining from an open expression of 
his opinions. Thus Ursinus was soon known in Breslau as a hateful 
Calvinist. He replied to his assailants in an able production, yet longed 
to leave a position which had grown painful. A few days after the 
death of Melancthon he received permission to retire. The best testi- 
monials were given him, and the desire was expressed that he would 
soon accept some other position in his native city. 

His surrender of office was a sacrifice cheerfully made to his deep 
, convictions. When asked by his uncle Roth whither he 

Leaves home for •> 

conscience- sake. WO uld go, he frankly replied, " I will leave my fatherland, 
and that cheerfully, since it does not allow the confession of a faith 
which I cannot conscientiously give up. If Philip, my best beloved 
teacher, were living, I would go to none save him. Now that he is dead, 
I will go to the men of Zurich, who, though little thought of here, have 
a renown in other churches which our preachers can never destroy. 
They are pious, learned, and great men, with whom I am determined to 
spend the remainder of my days. For the rest God will provide." He 
did as he had said. Without tarrying in Wittenberg, whose theologians 
would gladly have made him one of their number, he hastened through 
to Zurich (October 3, 1560). He renewed his intimacy with the clergy- 
men and theologians of that city, especially with Henry Bullinger and 
Peter Martyr. To the latter he felt especially drawn, and counted him- 
self fortunate in enjoying his " heavenly instruction." Ursinus prized 
the privilege allowed him in Zurich of speaking out his convictions 
and holding communion with men of like belief. For all this, his love 
for his home was not less ardent. He writes from Zurich : " If our 
people would consent to my teaching, openly and officially, the doctrines 
of the Swiss churches on the sacraments, divine providence and elec- 
tion, free will aud church traditions, and would maintain church disci- 


pline, I could soon show them with what burning zeal my heart is filled 
for my fatherland." The hope of his Breslau friends that he would re- 
turn was never realized. Soon a wider and more grateful field of labor 
opened to him in the reformed churches of the Palatinate. 

Otto Henry, elector of the Palatinate, dying (February 12, 1559), 
was succeeded by Frederick, duke of Simmern. In him were the noblest 
princely qualities, and above all the fear of God. He had promoted 
reform in his little dukedom, as decidedly as Otto in his electorate. Otto 
stood by Lutheran views as held by Melancthon. Frederick was a de- 
cided Calvinist. Following the rule adopted by the German Reichstag 
(1555), that each prince should decide the religion of his state, Frederick 
strove to give the Calvinistic confession, to which he honestly adhered, 
the predominance. The faculty of theology in Heidelberg was designed 
to aid him in this effort. 1 It was Frederick's strong desire to attract the 
revered Peter Martyr to Heidelberg from Zurich. The latter, pleading 
his old age, recommended young Ursin in his stead. Thus in his 
twenty-seventh year Ursin became one of the pillars of the reformed 
church. Through him and his associates Heidelberg won a renown far 
beyond the limits of the Palatinate. Ever since it has been counted a 
stronghold of the reformed faith. 

Ursin's chief work in Heidelberg was to superintend Sapienz College, a 
preachers' seminary, which was designed to be a home to the His work in 
students of theology, and yet a part of the university. It u^^erg- 
had been founded by Otto to supply the call for preachers in his terri- 
tory. Frederick enlarged it to accommodate seventy students, and placed 
it under his consistory. To conduct the training of so many candidates 
was no slight task for young Ursin. He was called to lecture not 
only upon theology as a science, but also on preaching and catechising. 
Even general lessons in philosophy were undertaken by him when re- 
quired. He received the degree of doctor (August 28, 1562), and 
undertook the chair of dogmatics, which had been held by Olevian. 
After six years he resigned this (to Zanchi), on account of his oppressive 
duties. His lectures demanded from him thorough, conscientious prepa- 
ration. Then a multitude of special duties was devolved upon him by 
the elector. Further, there were scholarly works to be written. 2 When- 

1 Even in the reign of Otto Henry, several men who professed the reformed theology 
were placed in the university, among them Peter Boquin, a fugitive French Calvinist, who 
became professor of theology. Otio's court preacher, Michael Diller, also held to the 
reformed confession. Frederick, however, first thought of making the university and 
theological faculty decidedly Calvinist. Taking the advice of the Zurich and Geneva di- 
vines, he associated with Boquin E. Tremellius, as professor of theology, and Caspar Ole- 
vian, the latter a pupil of Calvin. The celebrated Jerome Zanchi joined them in 15G8. 

2 In the establishment and organization of the churches in the electorate he took less 
share than his friend Olevian. Olevian was especially adapted for practical church busi- 
ness, for establishing a new order of public worship and a church consistory. The latter, 
composed of ministers and laymen, was to exercise authority in school and church matters. 
Olevian was released from university duties, made a member of the consistory, and given 
a place as preacher in Heidelberg. 


ever Frederick wanted a scholarly presentation of the Calvinistic faith, 
he made Ursin his spokesman, champion, and critic. Of all Ursin's 
works of this kind, none was so important as his share in composing 
the Heidelberg Catechism. He and Oleviau were commissioned by the 
elector x for this work, and entered upon it with all the zeal and affection 
which such a work required. They first studied conscientiously the ex- 
cellent catechisms already existing in the reformed church, and especially 
Calvin's and Laski's. From this material Ursin made drafts of two 
catechisms, a larger and a shorter, both in Latin. These were designed 
to serve as an introduction to a work for the people, and to set forth the 
doctrines which it should present. They answered the purpose. These 
drafts by Ursin were turned into German by him and his associate, and 
after a great many changes were published in what is now known as 
the Heidelberg Catechism. 2 

1 Frederick found in the beginning of his reign that the catechetical instruction of youth 
in his dominions was sadly neglected, or at least left to the pleasure of each individual 
pastor. He found need of a positive and uniform training in Christian faith, and of a cate- 
chism which should state the chief Christian doctrines clearly and comprehensively. Thus 
not only would the young and unlearned be better cared for, but preachers and school-mas- 
ters would have a definite guide and rule to go by in their instructions, and would not be 
left to inculcate any new doctrine that entered their heads, however little authorized by 
the Holy Scripture. 

2 In the clear, concise German style, we may see the share taken by Olevian.also, in the 
arrangement so much admired, in the division into three parts, and the simple Biblical con- 
struction. The two men each displayed their peculiar merits in the composition of the 
book. A careful stud}* of it will show that besides being a text-book for youth, it was de- 
signed to be a brief compendium of theology, a kind of confession of faith for the church 
of the Palatinate. Many points are therefore more fully treated in it than in other cate- 
chisms of the period which were meant simply for youth. It not only transcends the 
needs of youth in some particulars, but in the doctrines of salvation which especially suit 
the age of childhood it employs expressions which require for their full understanding the 
riper experience of mature minds. Yet this exceptional manner of treating subjects is no 
detriment to the catechism as a manual for youth. Its merit, besides what has been 
named, arises from the simplicity and naturalness of its divisions: (1.) Of man's misery. 
(2.) Of man's redemption. (3.) Of thankfulness. Then comes a masterly treatment "of 
details. Under the first head, the ten commandments are not taken in detail, as in Luther's 
catechism, but in their sum in Christ's words (Matthew xxii. 37-40). In contrast with 
this image of a life in thought and deed pleasing to God, to which man is appointed, is 
placed the depth of the sinful depravity of man as he is, in and through Adam (as shown 
in Question 5, etc., respecting hatred to God, and Question 8, respecting man's inability for 
good, and his natural tendency to evil). When the mind has been thus strongly awak- 
ened to a sense of the misery of sin and of the wrath of God, in the second part comes 
the doctrine of redemption, by the God-man, with an extended explanation of the Apostles' 
Creed. Among many matchless definitions may be named those of true faith and justifi- 
cation (Questions 21 and 00). In Question 65 is a definition of the sacraments as holy signs 
and seals of God's promises in the gospel ; then follows, in true Calvinistic terms, a treatise 
on the power of the keys. The third part gives an exposition of the ten commandments. 
As the law was in the first part a mirror to man of his sin and misery, so in the third part 
it is presented very differently as a guide and rule of Christian life. Thus the catechism 
maintains this leading thought of the reformed system: that the law attains its highest 
end in its importance to the lives of grateful believers Throughout it is maintained that 
the good works arising from fulfilling the law are not, as Romanists hold, meritorious, but 
are fruits of the new heart given in regeneration, — are tokens of our gratitude for our re- 
demption. Last, under the third part conies an exposition of the Lord's Prayer, as an 
especial inculcation of spiritual worship and thankfulness. We have then in the catechism 
the three heads common to all Christian catechisms, but conceived and arranged after the 
reformed theology. Of single passages in it, none is more famed than the answer to the 
first question, " What is thy only comfort in life and death V " and to the eightieth ques- 
tion, with its severe condemnation of the Romish mass as " an accursed idolatry." The 
first edition of the catechism was printed without this expression. Hut when the decree 
of the Council of Trent appeared, the elector was moved to recall the first edition, as far as 
possible, and to place in the second this sharp expression, which gave offense to theRoman- 
ists, and played quite a part in the coming history of the Palatinate. 


The work appeared in 1563, with an order from the consistory that the 
Sunday afternoon services should be devoted to its explana- 

t p , • „ . .. ' , . The " Heidel- 

tion. Its contents, tor this reason, were orhcialiy divided berger" ap- 
into fifty-two parts, one for each Sunday ; and again into 
ten lessons or sections, to be read every Sunday before sermon. Soon 
the book was translated into Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, as well as into 
most of the living European languages ; for in all the Reformed churches, 
without exception, the " Heidelberger " received approval and accept- 
ance as a confession of faith. .Sermons on the catechism became popu- 
lar in other lands, — for example, in Holland. 1 

While the church of the Palatinate was thus cared for in its inner life, 
it had no lack of outward conflicts ; and in these Ursin had his share. 
The setting up of a Calvinistic church in the electorate made a great 
noise inside Germany, and outside, also. From one side the elector got 
great praise, from another blame and sharp attack. His neighbors, duke 
Christopher of Wiirtemberg, margrave Charles of Baden, and count- 
palatine Wolfgang of Zweibriicken, sought untiringly to draw him from 
the reformed side. The question of the Lord's Supper was again de- 
bated. On this, Ursin, at the elector's request, replied to the attacks 
made on the Reformed doctrine of the Supper, which was much perverted. 
This reply, which was one of his most noted works, appeared (1564) 
under the title, " A Thorough Investigation of the Holy Supper of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, by the Theologians of Heidelberg University." The 
same year the theologians of the Palatinate and Wittenberg held the 
renowned conference at Maulbronn, in the presence of the princes of 
both parties. In this assembly, which proved as unsuccessful as unedify- 
ing, Ursin led the many theologians of his side in opposing Jacob An- 
drea, the chancellor of Tubingen. 2 

To such attacks from without, on the church of the Palatinate, were 

1 This dissemination is easily traceable to the form of the catechism. A late theologian 
of the reformed church (Sudhoff, The Lives and Writings of Olerianus and Ursinus, Elber- 
feld, 1857), says rightly, ''Singular power and unction are diffused over the whole work. 
Its fresh, awakening tones address the soul. It is a confident, joyous declaration of Chris- 
tian assurance of salvation. The reader's heart and will are addressed, as well as his in- 
tellect. ( Hear, popular ideas are beautifully joined with a deep feeling of devotion, a serious, 
observing spirit, and glad assurance. He who has once read his catechism must also see 
how indissolubly these great excellences are bound up with the style, so forcible and dig- 
nified, and yet so simple. What true-hearted, rational, and yet lofty rhetoric is in the an- 
swer lo the question, 'What is thy only comfort in life and death? '. 'That I, with body 
and soul, both in life and death, belong not to myself, but to my faithful Saviour Jesus 
Christ, who with his own precious blood hath paid the ransom for my sins, and delivered 
me from all the power of the devil; and so preserves me that without the will of my heav- 
enly Father not a hair can fall from my head; yea, that all things must serve to promote 
my salvation; and therefore, by his Holy Spirit, He also assures me of eternal life, and 
makes me sincerely willing and ready henceforth to live unto Him.' " 

2 When (1573) Andrea, reproached the clergy of the Palatinate with introducing into 
their belief the abomination of Islam and the doctrines of the Koran, there appeared 
(1574), A Confession of the Theologians and Clerks of the Church at Heildelberg, upon the 
cite true God in three Persons, upon the two Natures in the one Person of Christ, and upon 
the Holy Communion of our Lord Jesus Christ. These doctrines were treated with mas- 
terly skill and sagacity, while at the close is a short abstract of the Reformed doctrine of 
the Supper. Ursin had a large share in this work; and, indeed, by some the whole is 
ascribed to him. 



added fightings within. The true Calvinism of the Heidelberg Catechism 
is seen in its views (Questions 82-85) on the necessity of a parish pres- 
bytery for discipline, and especially for excludiug unworthy persons from 
the sacrament. The advice of Calvin, on this great question, had been 
sought and obtained by Olevian. It was the serious purpose of the 
elector to introduce presbyterian government into his dominions. But 
the carrying out of the plan, in the midst of the union of church and 
state, involved great difficulties. The Reformed churches in German 
Switzerland, founded as they were under the care and favor of the state, 
had, like the Lutheran churches of Germany, adopted principles and 
customs in reference to the church and state very different from those of 
the churches of France and Holland, which grew up in face of political 
oppression and persecution. The latter were used neither to expect help 
from the state, nor to suffer its intermeddling. They aimed at inde- 
pendence in their church government, and conceived of nothing so im- 
portant as a strict discipline over their members, not by the state, but by 
the church's own officers. The diversity of view already seen in Switz- 
erland was now experienced in the Palatinate. Regulations in har- 
mony with the catechism were sought by Olevian and the Calvinists from 
other countries. On the other hand, the exercise of discipline by the 
church was stoutly opposed by a party led by Thomas Erastus, professor 
of medicine, a native of Switzerland. He defended the customs of Ger- 
many and German Switzerland. The details of the conflict (1568) 
need not be repeated. Suffice it to say that it involved the deep ques- 
tion of state church and free church, which has since so often agitated the 
reformed communion. 

Ursin, as a native of Germany, it was hoped by Erastus, would take 
want* a free tne s ^ e °f the l atte1 '- The hope was vain ; Ursin stood by 
church. t } ie cloctrine of his catechism. He was not the man, after 

his sacrifice in youth of an honorable career in Breslau for sake of con- 
science, and production in manhood of able books on the subject, to take 
back deliberately all his words and actions. He bravely declared, " If 
not a village or a city can do without discipline, without statutes and 
penalties, neither can the church, the home of the living God, do without 
church government and discipline, though these are to be very different 
from civil enactments." Nothing moved Ursin from this conviction : 
neither the outcry against Olevian, the " Hierarch, " nor the cutting re- 
marks upon the " foreigners, " nor the disfavor with which he, as well as 
Olevian and the foreigners, was regarded by the Heidelbergers who dis- 
liked discipline, as well as by the scholars, courtiers, and officials, who 
sided with Erastus, and who, as might be expected, from the state of 
the case, included some of doubtful, or, as was proved later, of loose char- 
acter. So little was Erastus able to measure Ursin's faithfulness to his 
conviction and strength of character that he charged the latter with act- 
ing like a "madman." 


Ursin's disposition was, in fact, shy, timid, and gentle. He took to 
heart the ceaseless theological disputes. He was especially pained by 
the Maulbronn conference. He withdrew as much as possible from all 
controversies, and lived in his student labors. Here his work was out of 
proportion to his scanty support, for, besides the teaching and govern- 
ment, the business interests of the college were on his shoulders. His 
strength gave way. Sleeplessness and pain attacked him. His noble 
mind was darkened by an excess of melancholy. He longed to leave 
the Sapienz College, which he called his " tread-mill " and " torture- 
chamber," to find some more quiet position. A call from Berne (1571) 
to enter the theological faculty of Lausanne seemed to promise the de- 
sired repose. But his resignation was twice refused by the elector, and 
he would not go against his prince's leave. He yielded himself to the 
situation. Some alleviation of his work, as well as increase of his 
salary, was promised. He had never entered marriage by reason of his 
want of health. He now, at forty, formed a happy union with Marga- 
retha Trautwein, in whom he found a faithful wife and loving support. 
They had one son. 

At last the storms he had long foreseen broke over Ursin's head. The 
elector Frederick, dying (October 26, 1576), was succeeded by his son, 
Louis Sixth. The new ruler was a zealous Lutheran, and -not disposed 
to respect or tolerate the institutions promoted by his father. He only 
thought of how he could revolutionize them in favor of his own party. 
With relentless severity, he set to work to execute his purpose. All the 
entreaties of the clergy, the university, the council and guilds of Heidel- 
berg, to be permitted the free exercise of their religion, were in vain. 
The churches were taken from the Reformed, the Reformed consistory 
was replaced by a Lutheran one, the theological faculty dispersed, and 
all preachers and teachers persecuted, unless they accepted the Lutheran 
confession. More than six hundred preachers and teachers lost their 
places on account of their belief. Ursin gazed with deep sorrow on the 
destruction of what he had labored to build with such love and self-denial. 
But one protector was left Calvinism in all the Palatinate, — Frederick's 
second son, John Casimir, who had a small dominion on the left bank of 
the Rhine, including Neustadt. This generous prince gathered, as far as 
his means allowed, the scholars whom his brother drove from Heidelberg, 
and founded a new academy. Ursin was one who sought close3 lile an 
refuge in Neustadt, and taught (after May, 1578) in the exile - 
so-called Casimirianum. He carried with him his illness, low spirits, and 

Yet he still toiled, preparing an exposition of Isaiah and a learned 
commentary on the Heidelberg Catechism. He had to take up once more 
the defense of his creed. The so-called " Form of Concord " had been 
drawn up by the Lutherans, dividing them from the Reformed. Ursin 


undertook the painful task of maintaining against attacks and mutilations 
the doctrine of the Reformed (in his " Christian Memorial upon the Form 
of Concord"). The writing of this pamphlet was Ursin's last important 
public effort. At the end of the year 1582 his illness returned with new 
force. Skillful treatment and tender nursing brought no relief. He 
gave way under his toils, which he continued almost to the last. He 
was called away at six o'clock on the evening of March 6, 1583, from the 
church militant to the church triumphant. Glowing testimony to his 
faith and joy in leaving earth was borne by his colleague and comforter 
in sickness, Francis Junius. He was buried in the church of Neustadt. 
He has been named by the grateful Reformed church, as his epitaph says 
in simple, truthful words, " A great theologian ; a ref uter of errors re- 
specting Christ's person and his Holy Supper ; mighty with both tongue 
and pen ; a sagacious philosopher, wise man, and careful instructor of 
youth." — H. 



Ulrich Zwingle was born the 1st of January, 1484, in Wildhaus, 
a mountain village of the Tockenburg, between the Churfirsten range and 
the Sentis. He was the third of eight children. His father was chief 
magistrate (amman) of the district ; his father's brother was pastor, first 
of Wildhaus, then of Wesen ; his mother's brother was abbot of the clois- 
ter of Fischingen, a day's journey from Wildhaus. Zwingle was thus, 
if not of a wealthy, of a well-to-do and reputable family. His first 
lessons were given him by his uncle, the pastor of Wesen. After he was 
ten years old, he spent three years in St. Theodore's school, in Basel, 
under George Biichli, who considered him one of his best pupils. From 
Basel he went to Berne, to be taught by Henry Wolfli. The latter was 
not unfamiliar with the sciences, had made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 
read the classics, and pursued the study of music with his students. In 
the two last named -Zwingle excelled. He was sought by the Domini- 
cans as a member of their body. This order, which had fallen into disre- 
pute by a fraud (the Jetzger imposture), was devising means to regain its 
lost popularity. Zwingle, instead of joining it, preferred to visit the Uni- 
versity of Vienna (1499). He there passed two years in study, forming 
especial intimacies with Joachim von Waat, of St. Gall, who was after- 
wards burgomaster of Vadian, and with Glarean. He came back to 
Wildhaus in 1501. The next year, when he was eighteen years old, he 
became teacher in Martin's school in Basel, but pursued, at the same 
time, the study of the Bible, under Thomas Wittenbach, of Biel. He 


also became intimate with Leo Juda, attained the degree of master, and 
at twenty-two years of age was called to be pastor of Glarus, a His fim pastor . 
parish which at that time included a third part of the canton. ate - 

In addition to all his duties in his parish, Zwingle attended to founding 
its first school, and educated faithful youth, especially in the classics, 
among others Valentine Zschudi. For himself he was devoted to the 
study of Picus and Erasmus, and above all of the Bible. He copied the 
epistles of Paul in a little book, adding in the margin the expositions of 
the best interpreters. He learned almost all of the Greek Testament by 
heart. He was besides keeping abreast, with keen insight, of the course 
of Swiss politics. He wrote thereon (1510 and 1511) two didactic poems, 
" The Labyrinth " and " The Fable of the Ox and the Wild Beasts." 
Afterwards (1512 and 1515) he went as an army chaplain with the forces 
of Glarus to the campaign about Milan. Of his first campaign (1512) we 
have an account by him in Latin verse, evidencing his extensive and un- 
usual acquirements, and also his independence and soundness of judgment 
in questions of politics. As a youth, he neither went to excess with the 
roving scholars, or Bacchants as they were called, nor grew stupid, hypo- 
critical, and depraved among the monks. He remained a free child of the 
Alps. His studies and his experience, his rare powers of mind and will, 
had one object. He was designed by God for a reformer in the church 
and in the commonwealth. He appears first as a political reformer, a 
preacher of republican virtues. He had seen with his own eyes, and had 
experienced in its worst form in the Milan expedition, all the evil of the 
freebooting soldiery of the day, of the buying and selling of men, and of 
the taking pensions in pay for them. He had been in the battle of 
Marignano, so unfortunate and yet so glorious for the Swiss. After he 
had come back safe to Glarus he preached more severely in opposition to 
a freebooting soldiery, and drew upon him enmity by the very power of 
his eloquence and reputation. The papacy had taken note of him already, 
and conferred on him a yearly pension of fifty guilders, to win him over 
to its side. He received and used it, as he said, solely for the furtherance 
of his studies and the purchase of books, and, as it proved, to arm and 
equip himself the better against popery, which had become so depraved. 

When thirty-two (1516) Zwingle was called by the abbot of Einsie- 
delu, Conrad von Hohen-Rechberg, a thorough monk, to be pastor of that 
parish, a place sought by pilgrims from the ends of the world. He ac- 
cepted the invitation. The people of Glarus gave him up unwillingly, and 
for a long time kept the place of pastor open, that he might come back to 
them. He effected great results by his sermons in Einsie- Beg i ns reform 
deln. By his proclaiming the gospel, he caused much of work - 
the money which was brought for the purchase of indulgences to be 
given away to the poor. He was supported both by the knightly abbot 
and by the lord of the district, baron Theobald von Geroldseck, and also 


by his friend Leo Juda, who was now his deacon. He beheld ever one 
thing that was needful, — the free proclamation of the gospel. He talked 
and corresponded on this with the leading people of the country, whom he 
often had opportunity of meeting in Eiusiedeln. Before leaving Glarus 
he had gone to Basel to pay a visit to Erasmus. He was also in favor with 
the archbishop Schirmer. He was advised by the papal legate Pucci (Au- 
gust 14, 1518) that he had been appointed by pope Leo Tenth one of his 
work in chaplains. The same year he accepted a call of the cathe- 
zmich. ( ] ra ] cail0ns to the great church of Zurich. He had been 

chosen by them almost unanimously as preacher to the people. He was 
obliged to keep two assistants, and could not have supported himself had 
not a place as canon been given up to him by his friend the canon Engel- 

The day he was thirty-five (January 1,1519) Zwingle began his work 
as preacher in Zurich by giving an exposition of Matthew, stating before- 
hand that this was the style of preaching which the earliest of the church 
fathers employed, and was the most needful and effective. He soon ac- 
quired great influence. He barred the way of Samson, the Swiss Tet- 
zel, with his horrible sale of indulgences; what was perhaps more, he 
brought it about that Zurich refused to enter the new league which the 
other twelve states (or cantons) formed (May, 1519) with Francis First, 
the king of France. The Zurich people were already thoroughly repub- 
lican, with a government of their own making. The hatred of the parti- 
sans of France was now brought upon Zwingle and his sermons. The 
latter went on doing their work. Days of fasting ceased to be observed 
strictly. The church worship remained unchanged until 1522. Request 
was made by Zwingle and ten of his associates of their bishop and the 
joint governments of the confederacy for permission to clergymen to 
marry. The Constance bishop sent to the canon of the cathedral a re- 
monstrance of sixty-nine articles on the subject. Zwingle defended him- 
self in his " Archeteles " with such freedom of speech that he received a 
warning from Erasmus ; for that scholar, as is known, would keep the 
favor of all. To put an end to the controversy, now increasing through 
the confederation, the Zurich government invited every one to a public 
conference (Thursday, January 29, 1523). In this assembly Zwingle up- 
held the cause of the gospel triumphantly, opposed as he was by Faber, 
Zwingle reforms tne vicar-general of the bishop of Constance. The council 
Zurich. decided that the preachers should continue to teach the 

Scriptures. After the close of the discussion, Zwingle wrote out his con- 
clusions, three hundred closely printed pages, constituting his confession 
of faith. The powerful canton of Berne also declared in favor of a free 
gospel. There, as in Zurich, the convent doors were opened. Some of 
the nuns married. First among the Swiss clergy to take a wife was 
Roubli, the pastor of Witikon, in Zurich. This, with the impatience and 


violence of the image-breakers and the rising communism of the anabap- 
tists, called for a second conference in Zurich (October 26, 1523). Zwin- 
gle showed from the Scripture the unscripturalness of images and of the 
mass, and insisted upon the abolition of both of them. But those writers 
understand neither Zwingle's intellect nor his heart, who say that he in- 
tended in the Lord's Supper a mere memorial celebration, a mere object 
lesson. The bodily presence of Christ he neither would nor could admit. 
But of the spiritual presence of the Redeemer, and of the spiritual effect 
of the sacrament when faithfully received, he had the loftiest apprehen- 
sion. He was the furthest removed from depreciating the divine in the 
ordinance, or reducing it to a mere outward figure. " Who dreams of do- 
ing any such thing! " he exclaimed in this conference, amid his tears. He 
was ecmally free from despising the arts. He himself composed music 
and poetry, and played upon several instruments. Art, however, had 
grown so secular, both in Zurich and elsewhere, that a decided lesson was 
needed. Zwingle would not destroy works of art, but when taken out 
of the churches would preserve them. He was not responsible for the 
image-breaking violence, nor for the anabaptist excesses. These rose 
from the war of the peasants in Germany. Miinzer visited Frickthal. In 
Waldshut the preacher Hubmeyer was his adherent. The latter preached 
with an accompaniment of profane music (as Rouge did in the wine-cel- 
lar of Frankfort, in 1848). He celebrated the Supper in the same man- 
ner. A troop from Switzerland joined their company. These commun- 
ists spread themselves in particular over Eastern Switzerland, sacking 
the cloister of Riiti. In two conferences (January and November, 
1525) Zwingle endeavored to correct these people, who acknowledged 
no authority. It was to no purpose. Finally, some of their leaders 
were put to death, as rebels, by drowning (1527). 

By this time Zwingle had married (April 2, 1524). His bride was a 
widow, Anna Reinhardt. The cloisters of Zurich had been abolished 
(November 3, 1524). Zwingle received no pecuniary gain by the latter 
movement. His share in it was disinterested and benevolent. The 
property of the cloisters was used for religious and charitable objects. 
Yet some of it, as, for instance, the mass ornaments and chalices of the 
cathedral, fell to the public treasury. The cathedral chapter ceded its 
authority as a court to the civil government. Thus the government be- 
came the bishop. Zwingle, like the other reformers, made the mistake 
of thinking that the civil government would continue ever attached to the 
church. Otherwise they would have set up a presbytery in the place of 
the bishop. Zwingle, however, caused the civil rulers to take an oath of 
allegiance to the gospel. All these changes and innovations imbittered 
the districts which clove to the old religion. These too wished to abolish 
abuses, independent of the pope, and, even against his will. In this they 
showed the reform spirit. They even called an assembly in Aargau, in 


Baden, in a district regarded as dependent on the other cantons, or ruled 
by them in common. To it they invited the great debater, Eck, of In- 
golstadt. The conference took reform ground, for before this its mem- 
bers had said that only a general council could treat upon church doctrine 
or order. Zwingle did not attend the Baden meeting. No safe-conduct, 
he knew, would be assured to a heretic like him. Yet he lent his un- 
tiring aid to CEcolampadius, who was there in his stead. His repeated 
messages were borne by one Thomas Plater. The papal party claimed 
Zwingie helps a victory in the discussion (October, 1526). On the other 
reform Berne. hand, Zwingle and a hundred preachers gathered in Berne 
(January, 1528), and in a conference greatly helped the cause of the 
Reformation in this canton. Here, too, the civil power took the bishop's 
office, and required an oath of allegiance from every pastor. It abolished 
the convents. The people, however, of the wealthy convent of Interlaken 
proposed to be their own rulers. Aided by eight hundred Oberlanders, 
these Haslithalers rose in rebellion. They were put down by Berne, by 
force of arms, their ringleaders beheaded, and one of them quartered. 

A league (the Burgerrecht) was now formed between Zurich and Con- 
stance, in support of the Reformation. It was joined by Berne, then by 
St. Gall, which adopted reform in spite of its abbot, and finally by Basel, 
where reform was carried by force. The soul of all these negotiations 
and alliances of Zurich was to be found in Zwingle. lie took part in the 
Zurich government. He unfolded, even before the Berne conference, a 
plan of defense against the Romish cantons, — for he had acquired some 
experience of military matters. The five Romish cantons had already 
used force. They had already put to death, in Lucerne, Hottinger of 
Zurich, the image-breaker, and three adherents of Zurich, Wirth of Stamn- 
heim, with his two sons. These were illegally beheaded in Baden, with- 
out having committed any crimes. The Zurich preacher Kaiser also had 
been burned in Schwytz. A league, too, had been formed with the Aus- 
trian duke, Ferdinand, king of Bohemia and Hungary (February, 1529). 

War was declared against the five cantons (Uri, Schwytz, Unterwalden, 
Luzerne, and Zug) by Zurich (January 9, 1529). Berne opposed any 
aggressive measures. Mediation was attempted by Aebli, the chief man 
of Glarus. Zwingle disapproved, saying, " Yield not to their pretenses." 
Still peace was made. Zwingle remarked, " You will yet repent of this 
peace, wringing your hands." The five cantons were forced to give up 
their alliance with Austria. As to reforms in the districts ruled in com- 
mon, the majority of voices was to decide. This was the first peace of 
Cappel, and, as Zwingle rightly perceived, was no peace, for reforms 
spread in the districts held in common. Zurich lent aid to the people 
under the abbot of St. Gall, — for Zurich and Glarus, with Luzerne and 
St. Gall, were protectors of St. Gall. Zurich ruled in St. Gall arbitra- 
rily. Zwingle taught there (notwithstanding ancient laws and covenants) 


that for a church officer to exercise civil power was unscriptural. " If 
that be so," said the subjects of the abbot, " we will rule ourselves." 
Further, Zurich acted illegally, striving to rule in Thurgau, St. Gall, 
Tockenburg, and Rheinthal. In all these the Reformation prevailed. 
Synods were assembled in them, attended by Zwingle, who directed and 
aided them. When there came to St. Gall an officer of Luzerne to act 
in his turn as magistrate of St. Gall, he was made to swear to support 
reform. The officer of a lord of Unterwalden, hostile to reform, was put 
in prison in Zurich, and beheaded. 

These events, in fact, took place while Zwingle was at the conference of 
Marburg (September and October, 1529), in company with Zwin „ le meeta 
Luther. That enthusiastic supporter of the Reformation, Luth « r - 
Philip of Hesse, then twenty-five years of age, desired that Luther and 
Zwingle might come to an agreement upon the Lord's Supper. It was 
out of the question, although the two reformers were one in their rever- 
ence of the Saviour and the ordinance. Zwingle had ever been inde- 
pendent of Luther. He had entered upon reform at an earlier day. He 
had indeed circulated Luther's writings, yet he looked at Scripture and 
history with his own eyes. He was not behind Luther in knowledge of 
the languages or of the Bible, nor was he his inferior in eloquence, in 
untiring effort, in theological zeal and capacity. In their manner of life, 
however, the two men were wholly diverse. When the question was 
how to act towards the emperor Charles Fifth, the foe of reform, Luther, 
the friend and subject of his prince, and Zwingle, the republican, could 
not comprehend each other. Luther preached Paul's precept of unquali- 
fied obedience to authority, and an age of martyrdom, if need be. Zwin- 
gle preferred Paul's other expression, " If thou mayest be made free, use 
it rather." In his confession of faith, presented to the Augsburg Reichs- 
tag (1530), Zwingle spoke of deposing wicked rulers, and yet Luther 
and Zwingle both of them decidedly opposed the rebel anabaptists and 
other communistic companies of their period. Zwingle expressed the 
greatest respect for Luther, and offered him the hand of a brother. But 
Luther said, " No need of brothering and fellow-membering ; you have 
not the right spirit." Zwingle parted from him with pain and tears. 
Nor was Luther reconciled to Zwingle to the day of his death. 

Zwingle and the landgrave Philip came to understand one another. 
Large plans were devised between them for the protection Zwin _ le ^ pol . 
and extension of reform, and the union of all the Protest- itics - 
ants [as they were called after the Reichstag of Speyer, 1529]. This 
was when Zwingle left the ground which until this time he had weeded 
and tended, planted and watered, as zealously as Luther, and betook him- 
self to a strange field of action, coming thereby into contradiction to 
himself. The biographer and editor of his works, Melchior Schuler, says 
of him, in his excellent and accurate Swiss history, " Most noble was his 


bearing towards Luther, who out of stubbornness and temper abused hirn 
so undeservedly, and caused the writings of Zwingle and his friends to 
be burned in the territories of Saxony. Zwingle applauded Luther's serv- 
ices, allowed writings of the latter abusing himself to be sold without 
hindrance (there was a 'censor' in Zurich after 1522), and replied to 
him with calmness and dignity. None the less Zwingle, from his enthu- 
siasm for his belief, from the vehemence of his character, from the injus- 
tice and opposition of his foes, and from the power of circumstance, fell 
into mistakes which led him to do wrong. In this way the progress of 
the Reformation was hindered, and himself plunged into a conflict to fall 
a sacrifice to his own bravery." 

A new contest and war were hastened by the violent way in which 
Zurich helped and the Romanist cantons hindered the advance of reform 
in their common territories, especially in St. Gall. Zwingle, who had 
ever preached so stoutly against a hireling soldiery, now favored alli- 
ance with Venice and France for the side of reform. His friend Collin 
negotiated with Venice and the French ambassador. Zwingle advised 
in favor of the French alliance. Francis First did not care for reform, 
but for Lombardy. Zwingle wrote to him (June, 1531), and sent him 
his confession, which is still in existence in Paris. On the other side, 
the Romanist cantons sought the help of Austria and the ernperor. 
Strassburg joined the reformed league. Hesse also, it is thought, took 
part, but Berne refused, probably from jealousy of Zurich's strength in 
the East. The public conferences now held inflamed the strife. At last 
Berne declared a blockade of the five cantons (May 21, 1531). This 
measure, calculated to madden them without any result, had always been 
opposed by Zwingle. Its effect, in fact, was to strengthen and goad on 
the foe. Zwingle resigned his office (July 26th) into the hands of the 
government, and proposed to leave Zurich. The landgrave of Hesse 
had proffered him a refuge. Urgently entreated by the Zurich council, 
he said (July 29th) that he would stay and endure till death. He went 
(August 10th) to Bremgarten, to bring the ambassadors of Berne to a 
decision. It was in vain. With a foreboding of approaching death, he 
took leave of his friend Henry Bullinger, who was to be his successor, 
commending the church to his care. While Berne lingered and Zurich 
was irresolute, the five cantons armed themselves and declared war (Oc- 
tober 9, 1531). All was confusion and treachery in Zurich. Her troops 
gathered in a small detachment to enter the conflict, without waiting 
for the reinforcements coming from every direction. Zwingle joined 
Zwingle dies in their march, and fought, cheering on his comrades. He fell 
battle - in the front rank, bravely, under the blow of a stone and 

the thrusts of lances. 

Thrice the dying man rallied. " What misfortune is it?" he cried. 
•' They can slay only the body, not the soul." The enemy, finding him, 


as he lay on his back, looking up to heaven, advised him to confess and 
invoke the saints. He replied, " No." He was thrust through by the 
lance of. a freebooting soldier. Canon Schonbriinner, of Zug, said, as he 
looked on the body of the hero, " Whatever may have been thy creed, 
thou wast a loyal ally." There fell with Zwingle twenty-five brother 
ministers, twenty-six members of the government and sixty-four other 
citizens, and in all five hundred and twelve persons. Thus ended (Oc- 
tober 11, 1531) the battle of Cappel, so disastrous to Zurich, in which 
Zwingle died, at the age of forty-eight, a faithful shepherd in the midst 
of his flock. His dead body was treated shamefully, — quartered, burned, 
and its ashes strewn to the winds. His spirit lives in the intellectual life 
of Zurich, which he awaked, in the untrammeled proclamation of the 
Word, which he commenced and greatly promoted, and in the unselfish 
love of country, as cherished by the noblest spirits after the pattern of 

The centennial anniversary of his entrance into office (January 1, 1519) 
has in three centuries been celebrated with profoundest regard, and will 
be celebrated in centuries remote. A pear-tree, standing where he fell 
on the battle-ground of Cappel, in sight of the Alps, once marked the 
place where his blood was poured out and his life ended. The tree has 
disappeared, but the noble shoot which his life sprang from, — the tree 
of life, — planted in the soil of Zurich, and cultivated there, has grown 
strong, enriched by his blood. In the place of the pear-tree a monument 
of granite rock now stands, commemorating the rock on which he stood, 
on which the church also stands, — the rock from which Zwingle never 
was moved. — A. E. F. 



John QEcolampadius (Hausschein or Hiisgen) was born in 1482, 
in the Swabian city of Weinsberg. His parents were well-to-do citizens. 
John was an only surviving child, loved by them as the apple of the eye. 
John's father would have had his son seek fortune as a merchant. His 
mother, a woman of intelligence, devoted him to learning. Her own 
father'was a citizen of Basel, a member of the Pfister family. Her son 
was destined one day to carry blessing to the city of her ancestors, beyond 
all that she could anticipate. After John had acquired the elements in the 
school of Heilbronn, he went to Heidelberg, where he received the degree 
of bachelor when fourteen, and soon after master of philosophy. Already 
his comrades had translated his German name Hausschein into its Greek 
equivalent, QEcolampadius. Such was the custom of the period. 


Destined for the law, the youth betook himself to the renowned school 
of Bologna. But neither the law studies nor the Italian climate agreed 
with him. After six months we find him again in Heidelberg, devoting 
himself to the science which his heart chose, that of theology. As it was 
then pursued in the universities, it had certainly, at first glance, very little 
to attract. A sound mind could only be hurt and repelled by the scholas- 
tic form which hid and even disfigured its real beauty. Scholasticism in 
its leading men into the depths of theology had served its day and was 
past its bloom. Thorns, however, remained, entangling often nobler 
spirits, and allowing them to free themselves only with toil and difficulty. 
(Ecolampadius shunned the thorns as well as he could. He indeed 
studied the great master Thomas Aquinas, but passed by the subtle Duns 
Scotus. He felt more drawn to the theology which joined to a keen 
logic a deep mysticism, as a certain form of religious thought was then 
designated. He took as his model in this the chancellor Gerson. He 
perceived that not science, but devoutness of thought and life, constitutes 
the true theology. By this only he could save his own soul or the souls 
of others. His first call to let his light shine came when Philip, the elec- 
tor of the Palatinate, gave him his two sons to educate. This work did 
not, however, long detain him. His parents had purchased a living for 
him, according to the custom of the times, in their city of Weiusberg. 
He would not enter the office till thoroughly grounded in learning, and 
especially in a more extended knowledge of the languages of the Holy 
Scripture. He devoted himself in Heidelberg to Hebrew, under the care 
of a baptized Spanish Jew, Matthew Adrian. He had already made ac- 
quaintance with Melancthou in Tubingen and Reuchlin in Stuttgart. He 
had come into relation also with Brentz and Capito. 

Thus, well stored with knowledge, and aided by intercourse with the 
Priest in Weins- ^ rst men °^ ^' ls P ei 'i°d> he became a priest in his native town. 
ber s- Doing much good here, he was called by the bishop of Ba- 

sel to preach in the cathedral of that city of Switzerland (1515). His 
stay there was temporary. He returned to Weinsberg, where already he 
had published a writing (" De Risu Paschali ") on the side of reform. He 
satirized in it the immorality of his age, wdiich in the churches at Easter 
time excited the people to laugh by droll stories and jests, and thus com- 
pensated them for the coming Lent. Called again to Pusel by Erasmus 
to lend help in the latter's second edition of the New Testament, he re- 
mained a short time ; then, having received the degree of doctor of the- 
ology, he accepted a call to Augsburg (1518). As preacher in the chief 
church of the city, he found an opening for reform effort. He used his 
leisure, meantime, for his own training and for literary labor. He was 
an especial student of the fathers. So greatly was he disposed to a quiet, 
meditative life that he resolved to exchange his office as a priest for the life 
of a monk. He entered the old minster cloister of the order of Bridget, 


in the bishopric of Freisingen. He passed two years in learned study, 
attaining more and more of hidden truth by the help of the Bible. The 
monkish life by no means accorded with his growing convictions. Wt 
find him leaving the convent and acting as preacher in the castle of 
Francis von Sickingen at Ebernburg, near Mainz. Here he was allowed 
full liberty to conduct God's worship according to his convictions. He 
made Latin ceremonies give place to German preaching, and human or- 
dinances to the divine Word. Yet he went to work prudently, and, as he 
said, " allowed one thing for sake of custom, and another for sake of 
love." The truth needed to mature in his own mind and many a thino- 
to be cleared away before he could safely appear to do the work of a re- 
former. Yet his day was not far off. It was before the death of Sickin- 
gen (not after, as is usually said), that CEcolampadius left Ebernburg to 
go to Basel, on the invitation of his friend, the publisher Kratander (No- 
vember, 1522). He at first lived in scholarly seclusion, enjoying a noble 
hospitality, and toiling for his friend upon a translation of Chrysostom. 
Soon the door opened for him to go to work in the church of Basel. 

A vicar was needed by Zanker, the pastor of Martin's church, who 
was sick. CEcolampadius took the place without salary ; 

„ . : . . , . . . , ... J Finds his place. 

soon after a lectureship m the university, with a slight com- 
pensation, was given him by the council. And so, in 1523, he be^an his 
academic work with lectures on the prophet Isaiah, over which Luther 
expressed his joy in a letter to him dated June 23d. His career had 
begun. He whom Basel loves to call her reformer was possessed of 
pulpit and professor's desk. True evangelical thought had reached Basel 
before. A large part of the people inclined to reformed doctrine as it 
reached the masses through Luther's writings. Still the new rising 
Christian liberty found first in CEcolampadius personal support, elocment 
defense, and strong championship. Every clay he preached to the people 
what he had presented to his students, in a scholarly form, the day pre- 
vious. Nor was he unsupported in his reforming effort. He had a trusted 
friend in Zwingle of Zurich, keeping up a lively correspondence with 
him, for mutual encouragement. The Basel council by degrees entered 
into his reforms. When it made him permanent pastor, it gave the Ref- 
ormation a decided impulse. He did not lack for active opposition. 
He found suspicions excited against him, as an agitator, on the part of the 
majority of the clergy and of the university. The worldly-wise Erasmus 
withdrew more and more from him. He was given many troublous hours 
by the riotous anabaptists. He attempted to correct them in conferences, 
first in his home, then in Martin's church and the council chamber, but 
in vain. He also had a part in the unhappy controversy on the Lord's 
Supper, in which he took an independent position, sharing in general in 
the views of Zwingle ; he differed from him, in part, as to the support of 
it from Scripture. Though disliking learned discussions, he was obliged. 


to take part in two famous debates, and exerted in both of them a great 
His great de- influence. One was the Baden conference (May, 1526), 
bates - where, in Zwingle's absence, he maintained the cause of 

reform against its bitter opposers, with Eck as their leader ; the other, 
the Marburg colloquy (October, 1529), in which he and Luther tried 
to come to an understanding on the Lord's Supper. He distinguished 
himself in both by a calm, dignified demeanor. We find him also at 
the Berne assembly (January, 1528), but in the background as compared 
with Zwingle. All this while the* reform movement (whose detail we 
cannot follow here) was going on in his own city, he exerting a quiet 
but decided influence. His correct view of reform appears in a pastoral 
letter addressed to the pastors of his region (during a church visitation 
in the autumn of 1528). lie showed in simple, beautiful' words that all 
who wished to purify and improve the church must begin with them- 
selves. The servant of Christ must see that the pattern of his life ac- 
cords with the purity of his creed. " Let it be our wisdom to preach 
Jesus Christ, the crucified. Let the object of every discourse be to extol 
the riches and glory of the grace of God to us." He exalted love above 
severity, expressing the wish that frequent brotherly conferences might 
take place, for mutual warning, support, and encouragement. 

When reform had carried 'the day in Basel (February, 1529), by the 
resolute will of the citizens, in the face of threatening tumults, it was 
a doubly happy circumstance that one like CEcolampadius grasped the 
helm, and undertook to steer the little vessel, tossed of waves and winds, 
into the safe harbor. He not only had to toil in the enterprise, but 
also to vindicate it after the adherents of the old church, and Erasmus 
among them, had turned their backs upon the heretic city, and with- 
drawn from its university their help and favor. The tearing down, for 
which so many hands were ready, as was seen in the image-breaking, was 
easier than the building up. This wanted not only active hands, but a 
clear, strong head and a pious, believing heart. OZcolampadius gave 
both head and heart to the service of his city. He succeeded, naturally, 
to the superintendency of the church after the departure of the bishops. 
He was the restorer of the university. He attracted to her Simon 
Gryniius and other men of learning. He also cared for the under schools, 
which were now separated from the church and under the care of the 
state. He promoted, by the Latin schools, as they were called, a thor- 
ough academical training. A friend of morality, he favored discipline 
for adults, in the church, as well as for youth in the school. In this he 
differed somewhat from Zwingle. The latter, disliking anything that 
resembled the old priestly tyranny and forcing of consciences, would not 
allow the church to excommunicate, but left it to the Christian civil mag- 
istrate to punish vice. CEcolampadius distinguished between state pol- 
icy and church discipline. He did not carry out his desire in this sue- 


cessfully, for the government would take only half-way measures. He 
was less successful still in bringing the other Swiss cantons to his views. 
Haller, in Berne, opposed him. Of all Swiss reformers Upholds churc i) 
before Calvin, CEcolampadius had best declared and empha- disci Pi ine - 
sized the church's independence of the state. " More unendurable than 
antichrist," he was convinced, "does the state become when she deprives 
the church of respect. She, it is true, bears the sword, and justly. But 
Christ has given to us medicines for the restoration of the fallen. He 
has said of the transgressor, Let him hear, not the state, but the church." 
CEcolampadius would have given the synod more power than the state 
allowed it. He wished it to be not a mere means for preserving clerical 
discipline, but a representative of the whole church. Through it and in 
it the church was to attain the consciousness of her divine vocation. We 
have still some addresses to synods by CEcolampadius, which show how 
highly he esteemed the office of an evangelical preacher and pastor, and 
how thoroughly he made it a matter of conscience to defend the temple 
of God from profanation, and to breathe into the languid, sick body of 
the church a new life. Befure he could fully carry out his noblest views 
(and what mortal ever is granted such privilege!), he was summoned 
away by Him whom he had served with singleness and fidelity. He 
was deeply affected by the death of his friend Zwingle in the battle of 
Cappel (October 11, 1531). He did not tarry in following him. His 
death was not on the battle-field, yet he fell under the load of work which 
he had undertaken for his Master. He had been admonished in vain to 
spare himself. He was intent upon working while it was day. He felt 
that his end was near. 1 He warned his friends of his departure (No- 
vember 21, 1531). A few years before he had married Wilibrandis 
Rosenblatt, of a noble family, and had been given three children, Euse- 
bius, Aletheia, and Irene (or Piety, Truth, and Peace). To his dear 
friends, among whom we place his servants and his lodger, John Gun- 
delsinger, he said, " Sorrow not, my loved ones ! I shall not part from 
you forever. I go away from this vale of sorrow to the blessed life 
eternal. You should be glad to know that soon I shall be in the place 
of endless bliss." He celebrated the communion in company with his 
wife, their kindred, and the servants. He said, " This holy meal is a 
sign of my true faith in Christ Jesus, my Lord, Saviour, and Redeemer, — 
a true sign of the love which He hath bequeathed to us ; be it my last 
farewell to you." The day following he assembled his brethren in office 
about his bed. and impressed upon their minds the church's interests. He 
reminded them of Christ's saving work, admonishing them to walk in his 
footsteps, and to show a love all the stronger as the times grew dark and 

i An ulcer on the os sacrum long troubled him, and finally compelled him to take his 
bed. The disease gradually spread to the inner organs. All medical art was of no avail 
against his obstinate malady. 


stormy. He called them to witness that he had meant well to the 
church, and had not, as his enemies charged, led her to ruin. They, as 
they stood around, gave him their hands, and solemnly promised him to 
think of the church's welfare. Finally, the day before his death, he asked 
to see his little children, " the pledges of his wedded love." He told 
them they must love their Father in heaven. He charged their mother 
and kindred to see that they fulfilled their names, and proved pious, 
peaceful, and God-fearing. His last hour drew near. The clergy were 
all by his bedside. As a friend entered, he asked him if he brought an} r 
news. Upon his replying no, he said cheerfully, " Then I will tell you 
something new. I will soon be with my Lord Christ." When one 
asked whether the light was troubling him, he pointed to his heart, say- 
ing, " There is enough light here." At daybreak, November 24th, the 
first rays entering his chamber fell upon a form from which life had just 
fled. With the sigh, " Lord Jesus, aid me ! " the faithful shepherd fell 
asleep. The ten ministers were by him, kneeling, and accompanying, 
with silent prayers, his soul, as it struggled to leave its frail tenement. 
His grave is in the cloister of the cathedral of Basel. Near by are the 
graves of Jacob Meyer and Simon Grynaus. Their epitaph, composed 
in 1542, reads thus: — 

"So Ehr, gut, kunst hiilfend in Not, 
Wer keiner von disen Diyen todt." 

But the divine Word, which we may apply to our OEcolampadius, ex- 
presses far more when it says, " Remember them .... who have spoken 
unto you the word of God, whose faith follow." — K. R. H. 


A. D. 1497-A. D. 1552. CLERICAL LEADER, — SWEDEN. 

No sooner had the Reformation risen in Germany than its flood began 
to pour in all directions. Its truths were so plain, the errors of the an- 
cient church so palpable, the assaults upon her abuses so well grounded, 
that a large part of Latin Christendom was at once won over. Still the 
old usages resisted everywhere this movement of the Spirit. The spec- 
tacle thus exhibited in the various nations and governments of Europe 
is unsurpassed in interest. The moment Luther and Melancthon pub- 
lished their views, a throng from neighboring countries hastened to their 
side. One and another of these hurried from Wittenberg back to their 
homes, to begin with enthusiasm a task the completion of which would 
demand the greatest efforts. Of the lands thus brought into the conflict, 
each one reveals to the student its own peculiar form and color, different 
from every other. The reformers prove as diverse as the lands whence 


they sprang. Their similarity in some things is evident. Their diversity 
is much more prominent. While these active spirits followed largely the 
counsel and example of Luther, and agreed in the main with his princi- 
ples, they went every one of them his own way, unlike that of Luther 
or any other. 

Germany's influence was felt in the largest degree by the Swedes. 
With our other Scandinavian neighbors they accepted the Lutheran re- 
formed constitution, which they strictly maintain to-day, and by means 
of which they have grown great and renowned. Yet how different were 
the occurrences by which evangelical religion won the day here from 
the course of events in Sweden ! 

The story of the beginning of the Reformation in Sweden is easy to be 
told. At Oerebro, in the province of Nerike, lived a master-smith named 
Peter Olafson, who had two sons: Olaf, born in 1497, or the p eterson > s fam . 
same year with Melancthon, and Lawrence, born in 1499, ily - 
called Olaus Petri and Laurentius Petri. Their father and their mother 
(who was named Karin, daughter of Lorenz) were plain persons, and 
pious after the fashion of their age. Faithful and energetic, they had 
the welfare of their sons very much at heart. They gave them early to 
the care of the Carmelite monks, who had a great reputation for their 
learning. The youths soon mastered the rudiments, outstripping their 
fellows, and were set apart to become priests. Their parents wished them 
to go to Rome for their theological course, to an institution founded in 
that city by Bridget, the Swedish saint (who died in Rome in 1373, and 
was declared a saint in 1391). Thither, or to Paris, where was a similar 
school for the aid of Swedes, the youthful Swedes were used to go, that 
they might come back with the glory obtained by residence in those cities, 
and with enlarged efficiency. But these brothers were directed on their 
pathway in a very different direction. Hardly had they left Sweden and 
entered Germany, when they heard of Luther. Hastening to Wittenberg, 
they entered as students of theology. They found the warmest welcome 
and most friendly assistance. Their names were entered on the matricu- 
lation book, after an examination, with remarks of approval. Luther 
was then in his first era, and growing every year towards the apprehen^ 
sion of his great vocation as a reformer. Olaf, with Lawrence, listened 
to Luther's lectures on the Bible, and being received into the Augustine 
cloister lived under the immediate eye of the master. Soon Liveg with Lu _ 
he won Luther's regard. When the latter was made vicar ther- 
of the Augustines (by Staupitz, 1516), Olaf went with him to visit the 
convents in Meissen and Thuringia. He there became a witness of Lu- 
ther's activity at this juncture, and was introduced to his manner of 
thought and life. He learned also the defects of the monasteries by 
personal observation, and saw the way in which they must be cured. 
Thus it became easy for Olaf to mould himself after his revered master. 


He had a share in all that occupied Luther's attention. lie saturated 
himself with the truths of the Bible. He was present with Luther in 
1517, when the latter formed the brave resolve to oppose the selling 
of indulgences, when he nailed up his ninetj^-five theses on the church 
door, and when he pluuged into the battles which followed. At twenty- 
one (1518), Olaf became a doctor of philosophy; his brother, who was 
nineteen, taking the degree at the same time. In August, 1518, his 
equal in age, Philip Melancthon, came to be professor in Wittenberg, 
and gave the prevailing movement a new impulse. The brothers were 
among his first pupils, gaining from him an insight into the Greek lan- 
guage and philosophy. At the time when Luther said of the university, 
" They are all as busy as ants," the two Swedes were included in hi3 
praise. Everything was favorable to their thorough understanding of 
the Bible. This was their chief gain which they carried with them, when 
they left Wittenberg and the university, not without taking counsel with 
Luther, and returned to their homes in Sweden (1519). 

Sweden had witnessed startling events while Olaf and his brother were 
in Wittenberg. Christian Second, who ruled Denmark and Norway, 
wished to reestablish the union by taking the crown of Sweden. He 
met defeat in a great battle near Stockholm (July 22, 1518), from the 
regent Sten Sture, but resolved to make a second effort. He spent a 
whole year in preparation. An excommunication and interdict against 
Sweden were published by the pope. Christian was authorized to exe- 
cute them by force. In the very midst of these disorders, Olaf, with 
Lawrence, reached home. He sailed from Llibeck, but was detained by a 
storm. He repaired to Wisby, in Gothia, and found opportunity here 
to labor after the fashion of Luther. One Antonellus Arcimboldus had 
been sent by his brother, Angellius Arcimboldus, the papal legate, to 
carry on a trade in indulgences. Olaf instructed the people and their 
admiral, Norby, upon the hurtful and selfish character of this traffic, and 
so successfully that the peddler of pardons was driven away. Norby also 
took his money from him, which made Olaf, who hated selfishness of 
motive, dissolve relations with the admiral. Olaf made his way to Streng- 
nas, where his old bishop, Matthew, received him joyfully, and soon made 
him canon and archdeacon of his cathedral. Thus Olaf's time of train- 
ing came to a close. He now had an office in which he could show 
what was in him, and make an entrance-way for his belief. With 
Be ins his life youthful zeal and full devotion of his powers, he at once 
w °rk. began his work. First he addressed himself to the young 

prebends and choristers, to whom he gave Bible expositions which met 
great applause and drew pupils to him from every direction. An open 
dispute with the dean of the cathedral was of great help to him. One 
large advantage obtained thereby for himself and his fatherland was the 
friendship and complete adherence of archdeacon Anderson, a man of 


about his own age, who joined himself to the reformed doctrine and to 
Olaf absolutely and finally, and by his knowledge of life and his ex- 
tended culture was of the greatest help to the good cause. Anderson, 
Olaf Peterson, and Lawrence Peterson, together, are the leaders of the 
Swedish Reformation. 

Strengnas first became through them the home of reforming agencies, 
which rapidly extended to city and country, and even to remote provinces. 
To employ all Olaf s talents in church revival, Matthew made him rector 
of the cathedral school, following the advice of Anderson. Great results 
ensued. Beginning with the youth, Olaf exerted a profound and ever- 
increasing influence on the entire province and nation. 

Before this came to pass, Olaf, with his brother and the whole evan- 
gelical movement, had been in the greatest danger. Christian Second had 
(in the beginning of 1520) repeated his attack on Sweden, divided his 
opponents, and taken the capital. With most peaceful and friendly prom- 
ises, he invited the nobles to Stockholm to his coronation, resolving on a 
bloody revenge, to which the archbishop Gnstavus Trolle had advised him. 
The third day of the festivities (November 8, 1520), the citizens were 
summoned to the market-place, where, before noon, two bishops, twelve 
nobles, and many citizens were put to death. Olaf, hearing that a violent 
death threatened bishop Matthew, even though the latter had most decid- 
edly favored Christian, hurried to the place of execution. At the sight of 
the corpse of his loved patron, he cried out, " Oh, what a tyrannical, un- 
manly deed, to treat thus a pious bishop ! " At once he, with Narrowly es _ 
his brother, was seized, and would have been executed, had capes death - 
not Edward Leuf, who was with them in Wittenberg, exclaimed : " Spare 
the youths ! They are not Swedes, but Germans ! Spare them, for 
God's sake ! " Saved thus, they returned to Strengnas, stronger in the 
consciousness that the hand of God was protecting them. Through this 
tragedy at Stockholm, which won Christian the name of a cruel tyrant, 
and gained archbishop Trolle the deep and deserved hatred of the people, 
a great deliverance came to Sweden : she threw off the Danish yoke by 
the aid of Gustavus Ericson, that " noble, handsome, wise, prompt youth, 
whom God excited to save his country." After many fearful conflicts 
which laid his country waste, Gustavus Ericson, or Vasa, was proclaimed 
king (at the Reichstag in Strengnas, June 7, 1523), " in the name of God, 
and of the free peasants of Sweden." Under him began a new and happier 
era. The old wounds were slowly healed. The edifice of the evangelic 
church was gladly begun, and at last completed. The conflict indeed con- 
tinued, but instead of open war it took the form of political dispute. By 
the genuine wisdom of the ruler chosen by the people, this was given a 
happy solution. Luther, in Germany, had guarded against nothing more 
than allowing religious reform to be urged on from political grounds. In 
Sweden it was at first not possible to promote religion on its own merits, 


nor to keep it from connection with politics. The king was the centre of 
everything. He sought the welfare of both church and state. He under- 
took to harmonize both interests. His decrees and appeals to the people 
related to religion as often as to politics. By these kingly attempts he 
gave offense, and afforded grounds for complaint, first to the Romanist, 
then to the evangelical leaders. But he publicly vindicated his conduct. 

Olaf Peterson's sermons, during the Reichstag which chose Gustavus 
king, excited the attention of both friends and foes. Gustavus espoused 
his cause, and promoted what Olaf and Lawrence, along with Anderson, 
The king favors na< * desired, a public recognition of the Reformation. He 
reform. made Anderson his chancellor, to succeed Matthew. Hav- 

ing first obtained Luther's advice, he made Olaf preacher in Stockholm, 
and Lawrence professor of theology in Upsala. The three wrought un- 
tiringly, each trying to make his office yield the largest results for the 
good of Sweden. Anderson published a Swedish New Testament, avail- 
ing himself of the model furnished by Luther. It appeared as early as 
1526, and greatly helped reform. Every reader could now judge for 
himself of the truth of Olaf 's sermons and addresses. The book of Job 
and the rest of the Old Testament were published by Lawrence and Olaf 
after the year 1549. 

The leader of the evangelic church needed to advance very carefully. 
A portion of the nation held to the forms and usages of the old worship. 
Along with them were some of the most active clergy, who were also 
chiefs of the aristocracy. These kept their offices, and wielded great in- 
fluence with both clergy and laity. Gustavus, for their sakes, retained 
many of the old ceremonies, and took pains to prevent all extreme meas- 
ures. He opposed the young preachers who behaved thoughtlessly and 
rashly. He counseled them to keep within the bounds of decorum and 
morality. When Melchior, Ring, and Knipperdolliug tried to introduce 
their anabaptist excitement into Sweden, they were expelled from the 
kingdom. Olaf, who had kept silence, was told to preach against them. 

None the less, everything was moving on rapidly. The three friends 
lived in close relations with the king and with one another. If they ex- 
cited the envy and hate of their foes, they found a strong protector in 
Gustavus. Another Wittenberg student, Michael Langerben, was ap- 
pointed a preacher in Stockholm, and aided their work. They evinced 
their expectation of success by the device they placed on their seal, — a 
burning lamp, symbolizing the light of the gospel. The king omitted 
no opportunity, as he journeyed over the land, of wisely and gently coun- 
seling his clergy to moderation, and of promoting peace. At the close 
of 1524 he went to Upsala, taking Olaf with him. He appointed a 
formal conference between the latter and a representative of the opposite 
party, named Galle. Gustavus himself had named the questions to be 
discussed. The orators became so severe that Gustavus adjourned the 


debate. Yet he agreed with Olaf, in that he argued wholly from Script- 
ure, while his opponent relied on the fathers and on tradition. The 
chief points were further discussed in writing instead of orally. Thus 
also the work of reform was advanced. In 1525 Olaf ventured to marry, 
helping to do away with clerical celibacy through his own example. 
The king attended the wedding, and defended the step in a letter to 
bishop Brasch, who had censured him. Gustavus declared marriage a 
divine ordinance for all persons, and clerical marriage entirely lawful. 
A Eeichstag at Westenis, in the summer of 1527, seemed at first likely 
to prove unfavorable to reform. The king thereupon declared that he 
should abdicate. This decidedly changed the voice of the assembly. 
It resolved to leave everything to the king, making over R e f orm es t a b- 
to him all the church property. The hostile bishops and llsheJ - 
clergy left the country. Olaf's protestantizing work was now for the 
most part accomplished. A new archbishop was named to celebrate 
solemnly the king's coronation (January 11, 1529). Olaf was herald, 
and proclaimed Gustavus the anointed king of Sweden. 

Olaf s zeal for reform was widened. He contended ably with his pen 
for his lofty views. He could not obtain in the council which met at Oere- 
bro, with Lawrence as president, as much as he desired. He had to 
suffer a portion of the old papal usages to continue, yet in such way 
and with such limitations as would promote true doctrine in the future. 
The king sustained him so far as to commit to him (1531) the royal seal, 
and to confide to him the secrets of state. He gave him also the over- 
sight of schools in Stockholm, desiring him to provide for the training 
of teachers. His brother Lawrence was made archbishop of Upsala. 
Olaf exerted a growing influence upon the youth of Sweden and their 
studies. Besides his translations of portions of the Bible, he wrote sev- 
eral histories. 

Olaf was now at his greatest elevation. He lost the king's favor by 
his histories, for he blamed Gustavus for appropriating the church prop- 
erty to his own use. Falling into disgrace (1538) and losing his influ- 
ence, he committed further political offenses, and brought upon himself 
serious charges. Along with his friend Anderson, he was oiaf's trials in 
convicted (1539) by a court convened for their trial, under hislastda J s - 
the presidency of his brother Lawrence, of knowing of dangerous treason 
against the king, and of not disclosing it. They were sentenced to death, 
but pardoned by Gustavus. Olaf's misfortune arose from the unhappy 
complication of politics then existing in Sweden. Its hardship was 
mitigated by manifest signs of the favor in which he stood with most of 
the nation. Yet he never regained his old cheerfulness. He resumed 
his work as preacher. Upon the 7th of April, 1543, he delivered a touch- 
ing and powerful discourse on his misfortune. He toiled usefully till he 
was fifty-five, and closed his life the 7th of April, 1552, " after a Chris- 


tian and edifying preparation, and an express confession of his faith in 
Jesus Christ." Gustavus was grieved at his death. Olaf's hereaved 
people erected a marble memorial to him in the Nicholas church. Sor- 
row over the deserved displeasure of his king had brought an early death 
to Olaf. How serious his fault was the existing records do not allow us 
to decide. 

Seven centuries had passed away since Ansgar, the Prankish apostle 
of the North, had with unspeakable labor and care established the Chris- 
tian church in Sweden. Amid no less hardships, the Swedish Olaf es- 
tablished the reformed church in the place of the Romish, now ruined by 
immorality and pride, and opened the way for the Word of God into his 
fatherland. Both men, by their heroism and divine power, have deserved 
that their memories be revived and dwelt upon. Olaf began and carried 
on his work with the purest and most zealous purpose. If he inclined 
afterwards to hierarchical views, and through want of foresight and self- 
control, and perhaps through an overestimate of himself, committed 
faults, he repented for them most heartily. Sweden ever will count him 
noble and worthy, for he toiled patriotically for his country. He ex- 
alted her language by his writings, her poetry by his songs, her stores 
of knowledge by his histories, his laws, and his pursuit of learning ; 
above all, as a Christian of Luther's order, he lighted her pathway, and 
led her along a road which gave her afterwards, under Gustavus Adol- 
phus, her world-wide influence and renown. — F. R. 




Less than two centuries ago (1700), there could be seen in the church- 
yard of Neuchatel a tombstone, bearing engraved upon it a cross, or as 
some say a sword, or as we incline to think the two together. Nor could 
any truer or better emblem have been found to mark the resting-place of 
the man who, banished from France for his religion, lifted high the cross 
on the confines of his old home, and with the sword of the Spirit breasted 
a thousand toils and dangers to make a way for the gospel. We speak 
of William Farel, who is remembered by French Switzerland as her 
first, if not her greatest, gospel teacher and reformer. He was born in 
1489, among the green hills of Dauphiny, in a little village between Gap 
and Grenoble, which still bears his family name. His lineage was an- 
cient and noble. The Farels of old were noted for zeal for the religion 
of their times, for strong adherence to the church's doctrines and tradi- 
tions, for conscientious fulfillment of her rules, for devotion to her legends 


and miracles, her saints and images. The ardent boy unreservedly fol- 
lowed the same path, a true son of the south, as he was, full of spirit and 
imagination, his dark eyes shining with intellect and feeling, his small 
yet sinewy frame bespeaking energy and activity. He himself tells us, 
in sad retrospect, how devoutly he went with his parents to a certain 
wonder-working cross near his home, and how his eyes were not opened 
even by all the equivocal occurrences which there confronted him. His 
thoughtfulness, love of knowledge, and deep though misguided religious 
zeal impelled him to a life of study. He overcame his father's objec- 
tions by his perseverance, and since his province afforded no opportunity 
for thorough training, he betook himself (about 1510) to the famous 
University of Paris. There he was to enter a new existence, unsought 
by him and unexpected. 

One of the great scholars of Paris was James Lefevre, of Etaples, a 
doctor of the Sorbonne (also known by his Latin name of s tudies u d 
Faber Stapulensis). A friend of the existing religion, its Faber - 
hierarchy, institutions, and customs, he yet could not bar his mind against 
the spirit of inquiry everywhere rising. He wished to vivify scholastic the- 
ology by giving it scientific clearness, as well as by a return to the thor- 
ough study of the Bible. The former tendency, not the latter, first drew 
Farel to his side. They were one in their simple fervor of piety and 
depth of devotion, as they showed in their prayers aud masses, keeping 
of holy days, and adorning of churches and altars. But when there kin- 
dled at times in the twilight of Lefevre's mind the flash of a higher con- 
sciousness, the bosom of his friend and pupil was illumined also. Farel 
never forgot Lefevre's saying to him once, " William, God designs a new 
thing in the world, and thou shalt be witness of it." He was seized with 
doubts, nor could he, much as he sought to cling to the revered authority 
of the church, attain any satisfaction of mind. He sought help in the 
Scriptures ; but their entire contents seemed to him in such plain con- 
tradiction to the state of religion about him that he could quiet himself, 
and that not entirely, only by the thought that for want of thorough 
training he had not rightly understood them. "I was," he writes of 
that time in his life, " the most unhappy of men. I shut my eyes, that I 
might not see." Not until he was turned from old legends to the epistles 
of Paul, and saw there the foundation truth, justification by grace through 
faith, and began defending it with increasing devotion, did he clearly per- 
ceive the doctrine, " Nothing from works ; everything from grace." Per- 
ceiving, he was convinced. One error after another vanished. The 
saints yielded to Christ only ; the supremacy of the papacy became a 
device of the devil ; human teachings in religion yielded to the supreme 
authority of God's Word. Farel plunged into the Scriptures with zeal 
and thirst for truth ; studied the Greek and the Hebrew; found the pre- 
vailing worship more and more absurd and idolatrous. All this began 


as early as 1512, and hence many a year before the voice of Luther was 
heard through Europe. 

Commotion in religion grew in Paris. There gathered a band of 
men, more or less impressed by the gospel. Lefevre was the soul of the 
movement. Besides Farel, who was a master in the Lemoine College, 
and other young men, there adhered to it also William Brigonnet, count 
of Montbrun and bishop of Meaux, who had been on an embassy to 
Rome. Their cause found patrons and friends at court, also, especially 
in Margaret of Valois, a princess of great mind and heart, and through 
her even in king Francis himself. But the latter was soon led by his 
mother and his chancellor, Duprat, into the well-known " concordat," 
forming a close alliance with the papacy. This new policy sought at once 
to control the university, whose president, Nathaniel Beda, was the sworn 
foe of all innovations. The king, indeed, interposed a decided "no" 
to judicial persecutions, yet the air became so close in Paris, and the 
Farei forced to condition of affairs so trying, that the brethren were glad to 
quit Paris. accept a retreat which was offered them by Briconnet at 

Meaux. In his diocese a series of reforms was undertaken. Several 
unworthy secularized pastors were removed, and a theological seminary 
opened, in which Farel found scope for his zeal and abilities. Little by 
little, Lefevre brought out his noble translation of the Bible into the 
French language. Instructive and edifying tracts were printed. The 
people thronged to hear gospel preaching, often from the lips of the 
bishop. Societies were formed for reading and studying the Word of 
God. Meanwhile there was opposition by the secular priests and monks, 
whose interests were threatened. Threats were made of a crusade against 
the too hasty and sanguine friends of reform. The king was to be pro- 
scribed if he tolerated them. Brigonnet was denounced in parliament, but 
was equal to defending his own person. Yet he took the first long 
step backwards when he withdrew permission to preach from his breth- 
ren (1523). Though Lefevre received an acquittal from a royal com- 
mission, the circle had lost its support, and was broken up. Farel, after 
a short stay in Paris, went to his home, where he continued preaching, 
and had the good fortune to win four of his brothers to the side of gospel 
truth. Brought up before the court in Gap, mistreated and expelled 
from the city, he went as a missionary about the country. Seeing little 
result from Ills work, and wishing to study the Reformation in the lands of 
its origin, influenced also by the invitations of friends who had left France, 
Farel started for Basel. Making his journey secretly, he reached that 
city with difficulty (1524). 

He was made welcome by CEcolampadius, who received him as a guest 
and a near friend. On the other hand, Farel and Erasmus, from their 
unlikeness, repelled each the other, and became opponents. That Farel 
had faults was seen by CEcolampadius, who strove especially to moderate 


his fiery impetuosity. Hating to be idle, Farel sought leave to defend 
thirteen propositions of his, publicly, which was denied him by the univer- 
sity, but granted by the council. When he found no opponent, he pro- 
ceeded, with the help of CEcolampadius, to publish his propositions and 
expound them. On returning to Basel from a journey to East Switzer- 
land, where he made the acquaintance of Zwingle, he found the senti- 
ment of the council changed, and was obliged, at its command, to leave 
the city. CEcolampadius could do nothing for him save express his in- 
dignation at the order, and commend him to Capito and Luther. Farel 
reached Strassburg, and formed intimate relations with her preachers. 
He did not go on to Wittenberg, for a field near by laid claim to his 

An evangelical preacher was wanted by Miimpelgart, the residence of 
Ulrich, the exiled duke of Wiirtemberg. The latter giving his consent, 
Farel, after reflection, was led by (Ecolanipadins to go thither (summer, 
1524). The place was well situated for work in France through preach- 
ers and teachers, through colporteurs carrying Bibles and evangelical 
books into Burgundy, Southern France, and Lorraine. Farel's preach- 
ing was as welcome with the people as it was unpopular with the nobility 
and clergy. He obliged a monk of Besancon who attacked him to re- 
tract assertions which he could not prove. Farel's ardor increased with 
success, though he was warned from Basel to be moderate. Once, as he 
was crossing a little bridge, he met, it is said, a procession in honor of St. 
Anthony. With a burst of rash zeal, he snatched the image from the 
priest and threw it into the stream. " You wretched idolaters," he said, 
" will you never leave off your idolatry ! " He happily escaped a mob, 
but very naturally was obliged to bring his stay in Miimpelgart to a 
close. He went by way of Basel to Stuttgart, where he met, along with 
other exiles, his old instructor, Lefevre. 

He found a new door open to him, when Berne, after the discussion at 
Baden, inclined more fully to the Reformation. By means of his friends 
in Basel, Farel was sent (fall, 1526) to the French-speaking district of 
Aigle, in a mountain nook between Vaud and Valais. He went first as 
a school-teacher, under the assumed name of Ursinus, with- Finds his t 
out salary ; afterwards he was formally appointed preacher work - 
and teacher togethei\ He had a hard position. The ignorant peojole, 
led by their priests and monks, opposed him. The Bernese governor and 
his magistrates at first put obstacles in his way. Undismayed, he per- 
severed, protected as he was by Berne. He had a case in court with a 
monk, who called him from the pulpit a seducer and a devil. When 
his opponent was beaten and asked pardon, Farel generously and heartily 
offered him his hand. He tried by letters, with poor success, to win con- 
verts in the neighboring district of Lausanne. He took part in the col- 
loquy at Berne (1528). Reformation carried the day ; but to establish 


it cost harder work in Aigle, probably, than anywhere else. Farel, hav- 
ing liberty to preach, went everywhere, in the face of threatening and 
peril. He, along with Berne and the gospel, was thoroughly calumni- 
ated. In Ollon he met violence from a mob of men and women. At 
last, a new governor and a deputy coming from Berne, and exercising 
stricter justice, peace and quiet prevailed. Farel found helpers, and gave 
them employment. 

His fearless spirit was made useful elsewhere, in Mo rat, which belonged 
to Berne and Freiburg. Receiving the Reformation, the district became 
Farel's headquarters. He went to Lausanne, by leave of Berne, but with- 
out success. On the other hand, neither the bishop of Basel nor the 
abbot of Bellelay could prevent Neuveville, on Lake Bienne, becoming 
reformed under Farel's labors. In the Miinster valley he preached with 
such power that the people cleansed their churches of pictures and altars, 
while their priests fled away. The most prominent place entered by Fa- 
rel was JNeuchaiel. Belonging to the duchess of Longueville-Hochberg, 
it was in alliance with Berne. Local influences, the corruption of the 
clerg3 r , greater than in almost any other place, and church abuses had pre- 
pared a way for the Reformation. Farel's first sermon was from a stone 
at Serrieres. Asked into the city by the people, he preached on its streets 
and squares. He toiled through the summer (1530) amid difficulties. He 
was given the hospital chapel. Finally, on the 23d of October, he vent- 
ured the declaration, as it seems, in accordance with a resolve of the mag- 
istracy already formed, that it became the gospel no less than the mass 
to be heard in the cathedral. The entire multitude arose to take Farel 
thither. Attempted opposition only excited their ardor. An entrance 
to the pulpit was effected. Farel's powerful eloquence aroused a tempest 
against images and other marks of superstition that lasted all the next 
day. The governor, count de Rive, thinking that the great majority 
held to the old faith, and only the noisy mob took the other side, wished 
a vote taken immediately, but had to await the commissioners from 
Berne. When these arrived, and the charges of violence and riot had 
been met by countercharges and assurances of adherence to their duchess, 
save in matters of faith, a vote was taken (November 4th), and a major- 
ity, small indeed, decided for the purer religion. All attempts to over- 
throw the decision by force or craft were thwarted by the firmness of the 
Bernese. The duchess's rights were taken care of, but so were the relig- 
ious liberties of the citizens, and of any who might follow their example. 

To carry reform in the country parishes was Farel's next desire, which 
he pursued fearlessly and untiringly. One evening, at Valangin, after he 
had preached, and his comrades in unwise zeal had snatched the host out 
of the priest's hand, they were fallen upon by a mob, beaten, and dragged 
to the castle. They were urged to adore an image of Mary, but in vain. 
They endured repeated violence from the priests, and were thrown bleed- 


ing into prison, from which they were delivered by friends from Neu- 
chatel. The demand of Berne for satisfaction was refused, the whole 
affair winning the approval of the duchess. Farel met like difficulties 
elsewhere, even in the territory of Berne. At Orbe and Grandson the 
attempt was made, even in the face of the Berne councilors, to render 
Farel's preaching of no avail, by noise and outcries, without violence. 
But Farel went right on, preaching twice a day for six days, and not in 
vain. He won some of the adherents of the old belief, and especially the 
modest youth Peter Viret, who became a servant of the truth and a warm 
friend of Farel. So wholly did Farel pursue his reforming work that he 
had no time for his private affairs or his correspondence. Yet he took 
leisure to write a circular letter to his brethren everywhere, exhorting 
them to endurance and hope in their battle for God against a soul-destroy- 
ing antichrist. 

Farel entered Geneva first in October, 1532, when on a journey to the 
Waldensians of Piedmont, at their request, to help them Farelfirst en t er s 
perfect their church government. His fame preceded him. Geneya - 
He was visited, at his hotel in Geneva, by many of the citizens. The 
council, under the influence of his opponents and their Freiburg allies, 
would have banished him and his companion, Antony Saunier. But 
when they sheltered themselves behind the safe-conduct of Berne, they 
were let alone. They were invited to meet the chapter on the pretense 
of a conference. Two syndics went with them as protectors. The pre- 
caution proved needful. They found themselves accused as vagrants and 
seducers, and covered with abuse by the clergy, not a few of whom 
carried weapons. Farel calmly stated his aim and calling, the preaching 
of God's Word to any who would hear. Not he, but they, it was who 
troubled Israel. During their secret deliberations a shot was fired at 
Farel, but without hurting him. He was ordered to leave the city within 
three hours. He was spared, it was said, out of mercy and consideration 
for the Bernese. When Farel remonstrated against being sentenced un- 
heard, he was overwhelmed with outcries and calumnies : " What need 
we any further witness ; he is worthy of death ! " was the cry. " It is bet- 
ter that the heretic die than that he ruin the people." Farel answered, 
" Speak with God, and not with Caiaphas." In vain ! He was attacked, 
trodden down, and struck in the face. Daggers were drawn, and only the 
intervention of a syndic saved him. The next morning, early, he was 
taken by friends over the lake. His countryman, Antony Froment, 
who had just arrived from France, was sent by him to Geneva, as a sub- 

Romanism still prevailed in Geneva. To meet preaching by preaching 
she set up a Dominican monk, Guy Furbity, to declaim in the cathedral 
against the " Germans and other heretics." The Bernese took this as an 
insult to themselves. They sent a commissioner, under whose protection 


Farel and Viret also came to Geneva. On account of the threats of the 
popish party, the council took half-way measures. Then other agent3 
of Berne threatened a dissolution of their alliance with Geneva, and in 
face of opposing threats by Freiburg, the Bernese influence and their 
r, ■ l-u , decided "Yes or No" (" Entweder-Oder") carried the day. 

Carries the day \ / j 

in Geneva. After many evasions and appeals to church courts and to 

the Sorbonne school, of which he was a doctor, Furbity was obliged to 
enter into a conference. It was held in the council chamber (January 
29 to February 11, 1534), and opened by Farel in a conciliatory tone. 
He said, " The most beautiful victory is to uphold the truth ; I would lay 
down my life with joy to secure the acceptance of it by all." Furbity 
failed in proving from Scripture the obligation of fast days. He refused a 
public recantation, and was imprisoned. A second Romanist preacher, 
of more moderation, took his place. The Bernese demanded that their 
people should also be allowed to preach. The council continued unde- 
cided. The people led Farel into the church of the friars. The bells 
rang, inviting the people for the first time to reformed preaching (March 
1st). Reform made rapid advances. Freiburg broke her league with 
this city. The Lord's Supper was held according to Christ's institution 
(Whitsuntide). The priests forsook their altars. The frustrated plots 
to overthrow the city, the attempt to poison the preachers, the excom- 
munication of Geneva by a bishop and by the pope, only excited indig- 
nation at the authors of these measures. One church after another was 
won by the gospel. A new conference in the friars' cloister, in which 
John Bernard, the chief of the order, who had been converted by Farel 
justified his change of life, promoted reform greatly. Geneva could not 
but decide. The Council of the Two Hundred was addressed by Farel, 
so persuasively and eloquently (July 12th) that after the question had 
been once more asked of the priests whether they could present any- 
thing further for their side, the assembly resolved in favor of the Ref- 
ormation (August 27th). The new order was ushered in with due for- 

Farel's work was not hurt by the attacks from abroad of his opponents, 
who had fled away, and of their allies. The city solemnly pledged itself 
to peace and to the gospel. Farel sought to reform not faith only, but 
also life, to elevate morals and promote Christian training and educa- 
tion. He toiled untiringly. He had to be everywhere, — in Geneva, 
in the country, in Vaud, which had been recently conquered by Berne. 
He needed good stout helpers. He was sent by God a man, the very 
one he sought. One day (1536) came a young man of twenty-seven, 
not unknown to the world even then, an exile, passing through Geneva, 
his name John Calvin. He purposed spending but one night in the 
city, going on to Basel and Strassburg the next morning. Farel, hear- 
ing of his presence, hastened to him, and asked him to remain to serve 


Christ and his church. Calvin replied with a refusal, showing a prefer- 
ance for a literary life. 

" With holy indignation burning, Elijah-like, see Farel turning! 
' The call of God thou hearest rising! Alas, if thou art Him despising ! ' " 

Farel said, " Cursed be thy studies, if thou shunnest for their sake the 
work of God." 

" At Farel's word see Calvin quailing, as though God's hand were him assailing! 
He takes the work, though hard its guerdon ; at God's command he bears the burden." 

Of Farel's fruitful life, no moment was more fruitful than this, none more 
important to mankind. 

In close alliance with Calvin, Farel toiled to make Geneva a city of 
God and fortress of the gospel. He was nowise troubled that the rising 
star of Calvin dimmed his own. His heart was void of envy. He la- 
bored, preparing a confession of faith for Geneva, holding a discussion with 
anabaptists, taking part in a conference at Lausanne, which decided the 
future of Vaud. He, like Calvin, suffered banishment, when, for a mo- 
ment, libertinism rose against the yoke of Christ. He went to Basel and 
Strassburg, the old hiding-places of such as wandered homeless for sake 
of their convictions. 

But Farel was not forgotten in Neuchatel. By the unanimous vote of 
the council, clergy, and citizens, he was recalled. Reluc- Caned back t0 
tantly he submitted to a yoke whose weight he had tried. Neuchatel. 
But he could not do otherwise, after his words to Calvin, which were now 
repeated to himself. He returned to Neuchatel (1588), which he made 
his chief place of labor for the rest of his life. Almost the whole district 
had received the gospel, and reformed, at least in part, the church govern- 
ment. Much was left Farel to do in clearing away, arranging, and com- 
pleting. He was anxious for strict discipline, and had urged Berne to 
order it. He met the same opposition as in Geneva, proceeding espe- 
cially from the higher classes. A prominent lady who had separated 
from her husband, without cause, met admonition and public rebuke with 
scorn and contempt. When the zealous Farel lamented from the pulpit 
the tolerance of such scandals and the throwing off of restraint, his foes 
at once seized their opportunity, and in a public meeting deprived him of 
his office. Their action was to take effect in two months. Farel was 
resolved " not to yield to Satan ; God had given him the charge, and 
would require it at his hands." Mediation was used. Calvin, Viret, and 
other friends hastened to him. Agents were sent from Berne, who, dis- 
liking Farel for personal or political reasons, took sides against him. 
Neuchatel classis asked foreign churches to intercede. Farel went on 
during a time of pestilence doing his work calmly, believingly, and more 
faithfully, if possible, than ever. Meanwhile, Basel, Strassburg, Con- 
stanz, and Zurich urged Neuchatel and Berne to uphold him. The Bern- 


ese yielded when they had in vain tried to persuade Farel to give up. 
By the time the two months had passed, a great majority reversed the 
vote to deprive Farel of his office, which he held with honor till his 

Farel by no means confined himself to Neuchatel, but wherever there 
was need of a defender or confessor of God's Word, there he was to be 
found engaged. To Geneva, especially, where he would rather be last 
than be first elsewhere, he gave attention and labor. By his powerful 
mediation Calvin was brought back to her ; at each critical moment he 
hastened to the front, on the side of the church and of his friend. He 
took the liveliest interest in the fortunes of the Walclensians and of his 
persecuted brethren in France. He urged not only the Swiss rulers but 
the princes of Germany to give them succor. He went twice with Beza 
(in 1557) to Germany, on their account. He sought also for a union with 
the Lutherans, and thus brought on himself (who was the author of the 
agreement between Calvin and Bullinger) small thanks from the Swiss 
for what they chose to call his too compliant spirit. 

In old age, amid ailments, Farel was prompt to occupy new ground 
Fruitful in old anc ^ t° recover what had been lost. He began a prom- 
a s e - ising work (1557) in Pruntrut, the home of the prince- 

abbot of Basel, but was resisted by the clergy. He accepted promptly 
(1561) an invitation to his old home. He acquired new life when al- 
lowed to preach the word of God in Gap and Grenoble, hardly any op- 
posing. He returned in hopeful mood, having left two young colleagues 
to continue the work. He took one more journey (1565), going to Metz. 
He had once before (1542) found the rulers there lukewarm and fearful. 
The people had been cold, notwithstanding his solemn assertion that no 
city had ever been left of God that cared for the religious good of its 
people. When the Lord's Supper had been administered by him, on an 
estate of the count Flirstenbei-g, to great throngs, they had been at- 
tacked by the troops of Lorraine ; he and others received wounds, and 
with difficulty made their escape to Strassburg. But now the prospect 
was favorable. There was an evangelical church in Metz. The nobles 
generally adhered to it, and had Protestant princes and states to support 
them. Farel visited Metz, accompanied by a councilor of Neuchatel. 
He met a hearty welcome, and preached that day with his old power. 
It was the last flame of his mighty spirit. He returned to Neuchatel 
sick. Nursed by his wife (the daughter of a widowed refugee from 
France, and married by him not many years before this), he lived several 
weeks. He gave exhortations to his visitors, especially his brother pas- 
tors. He joyfully confessed the faith which he had taught and defended. 
The 13th of September, 1565, he gently took his departure, at the age of 
seventy-six, fifteen months after the death of Calvin. 

Farel has not been rightly and fairly judged by all. He was no meek 

Cent. XVI.] JOHN CALVIN. 335 

QEcolampadius, no mild Melancthon, but rather like Luther, a bold, 
knightly spirit. As such he was used by God for storming strongholds 
and doing the work of a pioneer. His much-blamed vehemence was on 
behalf of a holy cause, and not against individuals. " No man," his bi- 
ographer says, "had so deeply and painfully wounded him as the unprin- 
cipled, false Peter Caroli ; for none did he care more tenderly, work 
more faithfully, or hope more anxiously, until no ground of hope was 
left." The zeal of Farel could not be made tame and commonplace. 
The gospel was to him a passion. Let him who can say that he has at- 
tained, beyond Farel, its perfect standard, or that he has approximated 
it, and him alone, dare cast a stone at Farel's transgressions ! — F. T. 




Who does not know Luther's remarkable history ? Or who has not 
gone to Wittenberg to see his statue of bronze there, his church, his cell, 
and Melancthon's house and garden ? Who has not made a pilgrimage 
up the rocky ascent of the Wartburg, where, after his mighty testimony 
for the truth at Worms, Luther found quiet repose ? The story of Calvin, 
the reformer of southern lands, is less familiar. To make his acquaint- 
ance we must turn to Switzerland — to Geneva. There is no region on 
earth, a renowned traveler has said, that compares with the shores of 
Lake Leman. It lies a bright mirror of more than fifty miles of glassy 
surface, smiling vineyards looking into it, and rising behind them the 
crags embowered in foliage, the lofty glacier-clad pinnacles of the Alps 
of Savoy, and the majestic Mont Blanc. Upon this lake, at its southern- 
most extremity, is Geneva. 

In this city, dating from mediaeval days, stands an ancient Gothic tem- 
ple. Its foundation has been traced all the way back to king Clovis. 
It bears the name, even as does the great temple in Rome, of the apostle 
Peter. The watchword of the city itself, chosen long before the Refor- 
mation, and when Geneva was under subjection to the dukes of Savoy, 
sounds like a prophecy of her coming destiny, — "After Darkness Lio-ht," 
"Post Tenebras Lux." The name of one narrow street of this city 
is now, as of old, Rue des Chanoines, and this was Calvin's residence. 
Let us return to an eventful day in the life of him who dwelt here. 

One day the great city bell on St. Peter's, called " La Clemence," was 
set ringing in the early morning, to announce a great feast- Calvi 
day. We behold a man of middle stature hastening along ty- ei gM- 
with rapid strides, a black cap upon his head, with face long rather than 


oval, and with pointed brown beard. He has a bright, unembarrassed 
mien, though stern resolve is in his bearing. A brother clergyman accom- 
panies him. The citizens greet him with looks of eager interest. He 
hastens to St. Peter's, mounts the pulpit, and thunders forth to the con- 
gregation. He announces to them, in words of indignation, that in so 
profligate a town, in one so torn by party factions, he will not administer 
the Lord's Supper to the population. The crowd rise indignant. Some 
draw their swords and threaten him, but the preacher repeats that he will 
not so desecrate the supper of the Lord ; " that they will drink down the 
wrath of God rather than the sacrament of salvation." 

The man is Calvin, as he appears on Easter Sunday, April 21, 1538, 
pronouncing thus an excommunication of the city. The morning follow- 
ing, the citizens assemble at the earliest possible hour, and amid the 
greatest excitement pronounce sentence of banishment against Calvin 
and two of his brother witnesses for the truth, Farel and Corrault. " It 
is well," the three answer, " for it is good to obey God rather than men." 
And Calvin adds, " If I had been rendering my service to man, this 
would be a sorry recompense ; but I have served a Master who gives to 
his servants wages even above their deserts." The exiles made haste to 
Berne. After a fruitless endeavor at return, Farel went to Neuchatel, 
while Calvin, after toiling through one stormy night in a thunder-storm, 
when he was well-nigh swept away by the swollen mountain torrents, 
found his way to his old residence in Strassburg. The third, Corrault, 
died soon after his exile, or was murdered. 

This incident portrays the character with which we are now to become 
acquainted. Burning zeal for the honor of his Master, championship, 
living or dying, of gospel truth, firm, believing loyalty to Christ's sacra- 
Cai n's ch rac- ment > — these are the traits which we shall meet once and 
teristics. again in Calvin's life. The occurrence just described became 

the occasion of the establishment of the reformed church discipline, aft- 
erwards so well known. Christ had given his disciples the power of 
the keys. The church was to be possessed of spiritual authority. Fol- 
lowing Calvin to Strassburg, we find him bearing the indignity put upon 
him with deep humility. " They could not curse," said he, " except God 
permitted them ; therefore we will wait the Lord's time, for quickly fades 
' the crown of pride to the drunkards of Ephraim.' " 

Once in the mouths of the crowd, there were nicknames, heard very 
often, applied to Luther and Calvin: "Luther, — dickkopf; Calvin, — 
spitzkopf : " " Luther, — thick head ; Calvin, — long head." It is certain 
that in the vulgar wit of the crowd there is often found a good deal of 
shrewd judgment. The common folk would indicate the key-note of each 
of the two characters: the invincible stubbornness of Luther, and the men- 
tal keenness of Calvin, which at times carried him almost beyond limits. 
To these peculiarities both men joined the most profound intellects. The 

Cent. XVI] JOHN CALVIN. 337 

former, endowed with the utmost intrepidity, and even daring, swayed the 
minds of others in such measure that, to use his own words, he was " well 
known in heaven, in earth, and in hell." The latter, by his intellectual 
power, with lofty, aspiring spirit and true sublimity of soul, turned his clear 
gaze towards God's countenance and the faces of his holy angels, of whom 
he so often makes mention, as if he could with his bodily eyes almost see 
the Invisible. From Calvin a new civilization proceeded in the west and 
south. Yet it is only by better natures that he is understood. By weak, 
inferior minds and antichristian hearts he has always been misunderstood 
and hated ; yes, and even cursed by them, as Luther also is cursed. The 
world by its question, " Are you Lutheran or Calvinist ? " shows how 
important a place is held by both one leader and the other. We shall 
find Calvin's life like Luther's, in that it is a marvelous mingling of outer 
adventures and perils and of inner thoughts such as were designed to 
lead the world. Even to-day John Calvin is to France a stumbling-stone, 
a spirit turning men to life or to death, a rock of offense to some, a guide 
to many others in the way of salvation. Nor shall any other deliverer 
be sent this nation, till they learn to say, " Blessed is he that cometh in 
the name of the Lord." 

We return to the story of his early years, to his great reforming work 
and his final triumph. John Calvin was born July 10, 1509, aivin's earlier 
when Luther was a little more than twenty-six years old. history. 
His birthplace was Noyon, a little city of Picardy. His mother was a 
Fleming. By her he was cared for through childhood with devoted love. 
By his father, who was a man of note, an attorney and public official, the 
boy's earnest spirit was early observed. Calvin says, " When I was yet 
a little boy, my father destined me to theology, and even as David was 
taken from the sheep-folds to a high position, so have I, by the hand of 
God, from a small beginning, been exalted to this high office, and become 
a herald of the gospel." By receiving the tonsure at an early age, he 
was introduced into the clerical order. There is no account of his re- 
ceiving any ordination in the course of his life. When eleven years old 
he was given a small benefice. We next find him at a preparatory school 
in Paris, and soon after at the Paris University, where he becomes first 
doctor of law, then of theology. About this time, as he tells us, his 
inward convictions underwent a sudden, powerful change. He at once 
began to teach nothing save the gospel. " Although in my fear I fled 
the world, there gathered thirsting souls about me, the inexperienced re- 
cruit, so that each obscure corner was turned into a public school." He 
soon spoke out openly in Paris, to the joy of the friends of the gospel. 
Persecution followed. He had himself given an occasion for it by his 
fearless speech. He effected his escape with difficulty through a window, 
it is said, from which he was let down in a basket. In the year 1535, 
fresh danger came through the zeal of the Protestants. Six evangelical 


Christians were put to death in Paris by fire. Calvin took refuge with 
a friend. In his retreat he began writing his great work on the doctrines 
of the reformed church, and also labored in spreading the pure gospel 
through the provinces. We find him next at Nerac, in South France, 
with the queen of Navarre ; afterwards, in his native place, at which time 
he resigns his claim to his parish. Returning south, he lives concealed 
in the city of Poitiers and its vicinity. He establishes a reformed con- 
gregation there in secret, celebrates the Lord's Supper with it, after the re- 
formed manner, and sends out disciples far and wide. There, in a lonely 
region, a cave is still pointed out to which Calvin used to retire along 
with his followers. It bears even now the name of " Calvin's Grotto." 

But on every side in France perils arose, and flamiug fagots. Calvin 
Publishes Ws took ^ s WSi 7 m haste to Basel. Here he published his 
theology. splendid work upon the Christian faith, as a defense of the 

persecuted. 1 Soon after this he traveled, in the company of a friend, 
into Italy, to the court of Renee, the renowned duchess of Ferrara, who 
from the time of her meeting him never ceased to honor him as her pas- 
tor, and to render him the most profound esteem and affection. Perse- 
cuted in Italy, he went in haste to his native town, and with a few friends 
from there to Strassburg. A war then raging compelled him to take a 
roundabout way through the city of Geneva. " God was leading him," 
says his friend Beza, for in Geneva dwelt the brave Farel, who had 
proven the reformer of French Switzerland, but who when left alone 
amid the raging tempest was hardly equal to the conflict. He found out 
Calvin, who, in distrust of his own powers, wished to flee to a solitude. 
He adjured him, with a holy zeal, to lend his help. When his entreaties 
proved unavailing, Farel raised his great voice, and said : " Then I tell 
thee, in the name of the Almighty, that the curse of God will rest upon 
thee ; for thou seekest thine own honor, not the honor of Christ." It was 
the thunder of the voice which was heard on the road to Damascus. The 
lightning smote Calvin's heart. He could not " kick against the pricks." 
He became preacher and teacher in Geneva. His whole life through he 
saw Farel's uplifted hand, and heard the distant thunder of the judg- 
ment, " as though," to use his own words, " God had laid hold upon me 
from heaven with his terrible arm." Now he set to work to reform the 
people, and after the space of two years comes that remarkable scene at 
the Easter festival, when he excommunicates the entire population of 
Geneva, and receives in turn his sentence of banishment. 

We join him in the old city of Strassburg, where he is found in the 
company of Bucer and other upright persons. He devotes himself to 
quiet study, till against his will he is drawn into the wide field of the 
public life of his age, and into the German Reichstag. He meets Me- 

l The Institutes of the Christian Religion, which in its final edition (1559) is regarded 
as the most solid production bearing upon reformed doctrines. 

Cent. XVI.] JOHN CALVIN. 339 

lancthon. The two men feel that they are kindred spirits. They agree 
respecting the question of the Lord's Supper, as regards everything es- 
sential. They remain forever bound together in esteem and love. It is 
difficult to portray the conflict which soon was excited in the soul of Cal- 
vin, when the city of Geneva, moved to deep repentance, boisterously 
called him back, as their pastor ordained of God. He remembered with 
pain his trials of conscience among them. At last he was obliged to 
yield to the authority of Farel, who once more adjured him. Calvin 
offers " his bleeding heart as a sacrifice to the Lord." Now begin the 
years of real reformation. Returning to the penitent city, gecond entrance 
he does so under one conviction ; he must see realized the mt0 Geneva - 
great thought of his life ; the church's authority in spiritual matters must 
be accepted. He draws up a constitution for the church and the state, 
and with great energy secures its adoption. Many persons, among them 
the noted Valentine Andrea, who was in Geneva in 1610, felt such a pro- 
found admiration for this theocratic-ecclesiastical constitution that they 
had a great longing to come and live in Geneva. It was an attempt to 
replace the Roman hierarchy by a voluntary Christian organization on 
the pattern of the primitive church. It was introduced into more than 
one land — at least in many of its features — by the establishment of 
a church government by means of synods. 

When in Strassburg Calvin had entered on home life, marrying Ide- 
lette de Biires. She was the widow of one whom Calvin had recovered 
from the anabaptist belief, and a highly cultivated womau. " One of the 
elect," she is called by a friend of Calvin, who was acquainted with her. 
For nine years their happy married life continued. They had one child, 
a boy. They lived in a very modest and even poor style. Calvin pre- 
ferred an unpretending, humble mode of living. But they had a great 
deal of home comfort and happiness. Around Calvin gathered a circle 
of worthy friends. Such friendship as united Farel, Viret, and Beza to 
Calvin is seldom to be found. It was not in Luther's experience, who at 
the last came near falling out with Melancthon himself. 

Soon Calvin is plunged into his long, severe conflict with the mad- 
brained vociferators for freedom who were around him, as well as with 
the old citizens of Geneva, who wanted political freedom, but not Chris- 
tian freedom. The greater grew the danger, the bolder waxed the 
courage of the man who was so timid by nature. He stood like one of 
the ancient prophets and called down the vengeance of Heaven upon 
those who insulted God by their crimes. Yet, like Paul, T riumphs over 
with his great zeal he united apostolic love. At length the the libertines, 
whole city was mastered by his mighty mind. The enemy who desired 
his fall were sent outside the walls. The persecutions raging sent to Ge- 
neva some of the best people of France and Italy. They took up their 
abode under Calvin's protection, and constituted his church, his power, 


and his stay in the time of need. In those days, when, by the rising perils 
far and near, the church was threatened with destruction, and Calvin with 
death, when at times everything seemed lost, such words as these were 
heard from his lips : " It is not worth your while that ye trouble your- 
selves concerning me. There were far greater trials experienced by 
Moses and the prophets, who were leaders of God's people." Again, he 
says, " Trusting in the purity of my motives, I fear no assault, for what 
can they do to me more than to take my life ! " And, " I am ready to 
endure death in any of its forms, if it is but in defense of the truth." 

After the death of Luther, Calvin exerted great sway over the men of 
that notable period. He was' especially influential in France, Italy, Ger- 
many, Holland, England, and Scotland. He bore the church in each of 
these lands upon his heart, and daily made it his care. Many martyrs, 
upon his word, mounted the scaffold, and not long was it till in France — 
what a joy to the heart of Calvin ! — two thousand one hundred and fifty 
reformed congregations were organized, receiving from him their preach- 
ers. The foremost families and the noblest came out on his side ; and in 
1559 deputies from all parts of the country met in Paris, quietly and un- 
obtrusively, to draw up their excellent confession of faith, the foundation 
of the French reformed church. Five years later this confession was pre- 
sented, in solemn assembly, to the king and the regent Catherine. The 
reformed were thus recognized by the state. What if Francis of Guise 
massacred the Protestants at Vassy, as they celebrated the Lord's Supper 
under the roof of a barn ! "What if he raised a cruel war against them ! 
Liberty of creed was won. Churches flourished, in spite of the rage of the 
foe. Rome became really afraid that all France would become Calvinist. 

Calvin, triumphant over all his enemies, felt his death drawing near. 
Faithful to the ^ s ardent spirit had well-nigh consumed his bodily powers. 
end - Yet he continued to exert himself in every way with youth 

ful energy. He did not lose an hour. He impressed his powerful moral 
character and imposing earnestness of soul on his church and his city. 
Geneva was to be for centuries the nursery of a pure, noble civilization. 
When about to lie down in rest, he drew up his unpretending will, say- 
ing in it, among other things, with a feeling of his great unworthiness : 
" I do testify that I live and purpose to die in this faith which God has 
given me through his gospel, and that I have no other dependence for 
salvation than the free choice which is made of me by Him. With my 
whole heart I embrace his mercy, through which all my sins are covered, 
for Christ's sake, and for the sake of his death and sufferings. Accord- 
ing to the measure of grace granted unto me, I have taught his pure, 
simple Word, by sermons, by deeds, and by expositions of the Scripture. 
In all my battles with the enemies of the truth I have not used sophis- 
try, but have fought the good fight squarely and directly. But alas, my 
good will and my zeal, if I may so name it, have been so lukewarm and 

Cent. XVI.] JOHN CALVIN. 341 

cold that I have fallen immeasurably below the mark in fulfilling my 
office." Calvin left property to the amount of but two hundred and 
twenty-five dollars, including his books. Choosing and loving a lowly 
way of living, he refused, during his illness, to accept twenty-five dollars, 
half the amount of salary due him, saying, as he sent it back to the coun- 
cil, that as he could not render any service, his conscience forbade him 
to receive any pay. Shortly before his death, he addressed to the coun- 
cilors of Geneva and to his brother ministers hearty exhortations, which 
have come down to us. In his last moments of dreadful pain, he was 
heard often praying, " Lord, Thou bruisest me, but it is enough for me to 
know that it is Thou ! Who will give me the wings of a dove, that I 
may fly to Thee! " May 27, 1564, was the day of his release and blessed 
journey home. He was in his fifty-fifth year. 

Many an adherent and friend of Calvin, coming from afar, has gone to 
the city cemetery seeking his monument. But the place of his rest is 
not known. This man would have nothing of the world, not even a 
stone inscribed with his name. He would have no ostentation at his 
grave, to remind any of old superstitions. As none in Israel knew where 
Moses was buried upon the mount, so no one knows where the bones of 
Calvin repose. The dust of succeeding generations in Geneva has min- 
gled with his dust, even as their spirits have been joined closely with his 
mighty spirit. 

We will here venture a glance at Calvin's peculiar way of apprehend- 
ing the truth. The decisive rule of knowledge he found in the Holy 
Scriptures. Justification through Christ he made his cen- Calvin on God - a 
tral doctrine. But Calvin was not content to look through the decrees - 
glass darkly. He wished to go behind it by the help of illumining thought, 
and with a sublime courage, born of faith, wished every disciple of his to 
do the same. A child beholds the sky, and thinks no more about it. 
Calvin looks at the spiritual firmament like an astronomer. In his 
thoughts he gazes upon God's countenance, and upon his decrees. This 
all men dare not do. They fear to penetrate the unfathomable abyss. 
Calvin, void of fear and bold, is borne thither upon the wings of his liv- 
ing faith. He knows that he is one of the elect of God. His predomi- 
nant thought, that God only is powerful, that before Him man is nothing, 
a vessel of God's wrath or of God's grace, as God pleases, led him, how- 
ever, to constant prayer to the living God, — greatly in contrast with the 
habits of modern thinkers, to whom God is but a law, to whom self is 
God. Starting from this great thought, Calvin shows that our Maker, 
with foreknowledge of salvation and destruction, determined beforehand 
that both should be, that there should be saved souls and lost souls, and 
decreed their safety or their ruin. Here we find an abyss of the world 
spiritual, for none know how sin, with its results, is a thing possible to 
the Holy One, who has decreed our existence as it is. Zwingle had 


taught the same truth as did Calvin. Luther had also unfolded it to 
Erasmus, when the latter declared that man could deliver himself by- 
good works. They did not explain the mystery. Its solution lies in the 
secret counsels of the Most High. Calvin dwells upon this mysterious 
truth, which lies behind that grace of God which overwhelms him. We 
here cry, " Oh, the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge 
of God ! How unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways past find- 
ing out ! " But Calvin felt God's Spirit moving him to blazon triumph- 
antly the great thought of God's sovereignty and the utter dependence 
of man, in order to dash in pieces the self-righteous hypocrisy of Roman- 
ism to its very foundations, just as Augustine, in his day, smote Pelagian 
self-righteousness. Eternal judgment resounds in his words with thunder 
tones, alarming mortals. This same strong grasping of great foundation 
truths has given to Calvin's theology its peculiar coloring, to Calvin's 
soul its lowly piety, and to the world a new impulse. If the reproach 
met him that he did away with free will, he answered with renewed 
force, " Commune with your own heart, it will condemn your slothful- 
ness; your conscience will bear witness to your moral freedom." The 
church of Calvin abounded in active benevolence. Many Christian 
souls may not be able to follow Calvin in this flight of his thought, yet 
CaiTin on the these same souls will render their thanks to God that Cal- 
sacrament. vm taught the deeper meaning of the Lord's Supper ; that 

he preserved the sacrament from becoming a mere memorial act, after 
the conception of Zwingle. 

Here we approach Calvin's relation to Luther. Luther, in indignation, 
had parted from the Swiss at Marburg. He declared " that he would 
have nothing more to do with the blasphemers of the sacrament, neither 
would he pray for the devourers and murderers of souls." His stern in- 
flexibility was inherited by his successors, but without his loving spirit, 
and led to fatal dissension. Then Calvin arose by the spirit of the Lord 
to bless the Christian community. He denied transubstantiation and the 
local material existence of Christ in the sacrament, but acknowledged a 
real spiritual presence. ' Christ is in the supper essentially, not simply 
there by our faith, but he who has faith receives the flesh and blood of 
the Lord, his glorified body. This doctrine, so full of meaning, Calvin 
led the Swiss to accept (1549). The entire Reformed church afterwards 
adopted it. Many not of that communion have been impressed by its 
importance. Had Luther lived longer, he and Calvin would most likely 
have agreed, for the Reformed embrace the Lutheran view, in its popu- 
lar sense, and the Lutherans are Calvinistic without being aware of it. 
Luther esteemed Calvin, and once sent him a greeting, saying that " he 
had read his smaller work [in which Calvin put forth his views on the 
sacrament] with great delight." 

The following story is also told of Luther. A year before his death, 

Cent. XVI.] JOHN CALVIN. 343 

when he was coming from his lecture, his students around him, he stopped 
before the shop of Hans Luft, the bookseller, and hailed his assistant, 
who had just returned from Frankfort, saying, " Maurice, what is the 
good word from Frankfort ? Will they burn the arch-heretic Luther all 
up ? " " Most reverend sir, I did not hear anything about that," said the 
other ; " but I have brought with me a little volume wbich John Calvin 
wrote some time ago, in French, upon the Lord's Supper, and which has 
just been published in Latin. They are saying of Calvin that, though 
quite young, he is a devout and scholarly person. In this little book this 
Calvin is said to show where your reverence and Zwingle and CEcolam- 
padius have gone too far in the strife." He had hardly finished when 
Dr. Luther cried, " Give me the book." He sat down, looked it through, 
and said, as he finished, " Maurice, he is most certainly a learned and 
pious person. I might from the very first have well left to him this 
whole controversy ; I confess, for my part, that had the other side done 
the same, we would have been on good terms from the start. If CEco- 
lampadius and Zwingle had expressed themselves in this way at the first, 
we would never have been betrayed into such prolonged controversies." 

The name given Luther by Calvin was " Venerable Father." Calvin 
once said, to quiet the Swiss, " Even if he were to call me a devil, I 
would yet reverently own him as a distinguished servant of God, to whom 
we owe many thanks. We confess freely that we hold Luther as a grand 
apostle of Jesus Christ." Once Calvin exalts Luther even above the 
Apostles, saying, " If we carefully study the times in which Luther arose, 
we shall see that he had to contend with almost every difficulty which 
beset the Apostles. In one respect his position was worse than theirs, 
for the Apostles, in their days, did not have to declare war against any 
empire, but Luther could not advance a step save by the fall and de- 
struction of the empire of the popes." 

The vigor and success of Calvin's conflict with the papacy are best known 
to the papists themselves. They were perceived with joy by caivinand 
Luther. Once, when Cruciger had been reading to him one P°P er y- 
of the works of Calvin, Luther said, " This book is blessed with hands 
and feet. I rejoice that God raises up such men. If God please, they 
will give the papacy mighty thrusts. What I have begun against anti- 
christ will, by the help of Calvin, be carried to completion." The book 
spoken of was Calvin's work against Sadolet, when the latter was attempt- 
ing to gain Geneva over to the party of the pope. In it Calvin speaks 
of church unity. He justifies his separation from Rome. The church 
to Calvin as to Luther is the community of the saints and of the elect. 
Its unity is maintained by the Holy Spirit, the Scriptures, confessions 
of faith, and catechisms. Calvin desired that what was attained through 
faith might be confirmed through church order. In this he was more de- 
cided than Luther, who did not uphold church discipline in equal meas- 


ure. That the zeal of Calvin, after the manner of his generation, and 
after the example of Luther's followers, went sometimes to excess is not 
to be denied. Calvin, in his enthusiasm, wished to carry out a glorious 
conception of a theocracy, a God-inspired rule, state and church united, 
yet separate in their powers : the church to possess no material power, but 
only spiritual power, extending to excommunication ; the state to be 
without power in the domain of religion. Such a government of the 
church was realized in Geneva in part ; in France more fully. In Calvin's 
scheme of a constitution for the state, open blasphemers and slanderers 
of what was sacred might be punished even to death. The same view was 
held by all his contemporaries, whether Romanist or Lutheran. It was in 
accord with the spirit of an age of violence. When papists come forward 
in our day, after their party has murdered thousands of evangelical Chris- 
tians, and maintain with absurd warmth that Calvin was intolerant, they sit 
in judgment upon themselves ; they condemn themselves with redoubled 

The execution of Servetus, so often made a stigma upon our noble re- 
Caivin and Ser- former, shows chiefly that Calvin stood above his contem- 
Tetus - poraries. He had done everything, trying to rescue that 

restless company of spirits who would destroy the Reformation. Let us 
approach this era of Calvin's life. We stand before the council with him 
and Servetus, he seeking to expose error. For as Servetus exclaims, 
" Everything is God ! " Calvin replies, " What ! do you mean to say 
that the floor on which we tread is God ? And what if I ask if Satan 
is also really God ? " Servetus rejoins with a mocking laugh, " Well, do 
you not believe that ? " Servetus addressed the triune God with horrible 
names of blasphemy, calling Him a hell-hound. Nor to the last did he 
cease to revile what was holy. Calvin continued in his patient endeavor 
to refute and admonish him. While Calvin was of the opinion that the 
council acted rightly, yet it is certain that he did not influence their 
procedure in sentencing Servetus. He challenged Servetus to come for- 
ward openly and establish his assertions. He also entreated the council 
not to put Servetus to death by fire. Yet it was Calvin upon whom Ser- 
vetus had vented his fury. The gentle Melancthon, on the other hand, 
loudly said that the council's way of sentencing the blasphemer was cor- 
rect. Calvin afterwards evidently was in doubt about the whole affair, 
in which he years before had taken part, following the sentiment of his 
age. His judgment grew lenient beyond what was usual among even 
cultivated minds in that century. The spirit of toleration, the natural 
result of gospel principles, and liberty of conscience rose in the reformed 
church sooner than in any other. 

On the 27th of October, 1853, Servetus had been dead three hundred 
years. The people of Geneva went up to Chappel, the hill-side where 
the ashes of Servetus had been strewn, and observed the day before 

Cent. XVI.] JOHN CALVIN. 345 

the Lord, honoring Christian toleration and liberty of conscience, and 
begging forgiveness, in the name of the old council, respecting Servetus, 
even though he was guilty of transgression. But to Calvin, who has 
been censured unjustly, and made to bear the burden of others' errors, 
was decreed a statue before the cathedral of St. Peter's. 1 For from Cal- 
vin proceeded a free, sublime, and sanctified Christian culture, which will 
work beneficially upon mankind as long as the stupendous Alps stand 
in all their splendor. 

Yes, the influence of Calvin upon the world is enduringly great. He 
never dreamed of its becomirjg so mighty. His mission was as needful 
to the church as tbat of Luther. One created the Reformation, the other 
completed it. This was Calvin's grand mission : to give order to the 
church, to guide the awakened energies of mankind, especially in "West- 
ern Europe. Renowned universities rose in the reformed church, exert- 
ing a great control over French civilization. Without doubt, through 
the Puritan movement in England, Calvinistic teachings helped lay the 
foundations of the United States of America, thus preparing the civili- 
zation of a new era. And as Luther, by his translation of tbe Bible, has 
exercised on our German people and tongue a lasting influence, so Calvin 
has affected the nation of scholars by his splendid Bible commentaries. 
He has helped mould the French language, also, by his forcible, naive, 
logical style, the reflection of his own character. 

The church of the future depends upon Calvin, upon a presbyterial 
constitution wbich Calvin revived, upon his use of discipline which is so 
lacking in the church now. She depends upon the destruction of papal 
notions effected by his writings, and above all upon his pure and child- 
like faith in the Bible, his enthusiastic loyalty to obligation, his eagle-like 
insight proclaiming certainly the triumph of the evangelical belief. The 
world now awaits new reformers. Perchance the eye of God to-day rests 
well pleased upon some child of his, distinguished by sweet apostolic gifts, 
who, toiling like a Luther or a Calvin, shall gather together the dis- 
tressed and down-trodden churches, revive them as by the breath of God, 
and defend them against the encroaching power of falsehood. With the 
recollection of Wittenberg and Geneva in our hearts, let us approach in 
prayer the Lord of the church, with such triumphant faith as once pos- 
sessed Luther by the bedside of Melancthon, believing that " He must 
hear us, and deliver us from our trouble, unless his holy gospel is a lie." 
And Calvin is calling to us, "The truth of God is immovable. Therefore, 
let us watch even to the end, till God's kingdom, which is now hidden 
from us, shall appear." " Fearless and without guile " was the motto 
of Calvin ; and his coat of arms, — what was it ? A hand offering a burn- 
ing heart unto God ! A lesson to all ! — P. H. 

1 It was finally decided by Geneva, at Calvin's tercentenary, to erect instead of the 
statue a memorial hall. This has been built, — a spacious edifice, capable of holding two 
thousand persons. — H. M. M. 





There were put to death in England, in 1555, the martyrs Hooper, 
Ridley, Latimer, and Cranmer. In France, 1 that same year, there died 
at Chambery five martyrs : John Vernon, a pupil of Calvin, and native 
of Poitiers ; Antony Laborie, of Cajar, in Quercy, who had been a royal 
judge there, and afterwards a minister ; John Trigolet, of Nismes, in 
Languedoc, a student of the law, and also of theology ; and their two lay 
comrades and fellow-believers, Bertrand Bataille, of Gascony, a student 
of theology, and Guirald Taurant, of Cahors, in Quercy, a merchant, 
who journeyed with the rest at their wish, having intended to go with 
them only to the French frontier. These five were sent by the evan- 
gelical church of Geneva into France to preach the gospel. Fully 
warned that they were in danger of persecution and of death, they took 
their way, trusting in God, singing psalms as they journeyed along. 

A spy, one who held some petty office in France, had observed their 
departure from Geneva. He waylaid the company, taking them on the 
Col-de-Tamis, in Fossiqny, in Savoy, and bringing them in chains to 
The five are ar- Chambery. They were, as was reported by Vernon to the 
rested". church in Geneva, brought before an ecclesiastical court, 

whose head inquisitor was bishop Furbity, who had been notorious in the 
history of the Geneva Reformation. They asked, in order to prepare their 
defense, for their Bibles and the Institutes of Calvin, which had been taken 
from them and placed upon the table. They were refused their request. 
This was July 10, 1555. Their release was demanded by the govern- 
ment of Berne, but to no purpose. They were examined a second time, 
July 14th. The court of heresy included as members Dominicans and 
Franciscans. The sacraments and the mass, the authority of the pope, 
and the like, were the subjects considered. On July 17th, the five were 
condemned as heretics. The inquisitor had in vain tried to make Ba- 
taille and Taurant abjure, putting them in a separate prison. "When they 
proved steadfast, they were put with the other prisoners, who all mutually 
instructed and exhorted one another, relieving their distress by the singing 
of psalms. 

We have had preserved to us precious letters written by them during 
their imprisonment, which endured several months. We will make ex- 

1 Henry Second, son of Francis First, had succeeded the latter as French king. His 
wife was the Italian Catherine de' Medici. The king, after his edict of Chateaubriant 
(1551), had committed the trial of heretics — till now a separate matter — to a court of jus- 
tice, with power to put to death. At a later day, the king made Mathias Ori chief inquisitor. 


tracts. Laborie wrote, September 4, 1555, to the ministers of Geneva: 
"I have said to my judges all that God gave me to say, establishing all 
by Scripture. I owe thanks to God for his aid. As we faced one another, 
I saw tears in the eyes of one of the younger counselors. I and the rest 
said to the inquisitor, ' We are amazed that ye consider marriage a sacra- 
ment, and yet not pure for yourselves, preferring to live in unchastity.' 
Taurant, who came to know the truth only three months since, and whom 
they sought to persuade to abjure, exposed to them their unevangelical 
position, even beyond the rest of us. The ' parliament ' sentenced us 
August 21st: Vernon, Laborie, and Trigolet, to the galleys for life; Ba- 
taille and Taurant for ten years. The king's procurator appealed from 
this sentence. 

" When again brought before the council, I was desired to lay my hand 
on a cross, painted in green color upon a board, and take an oath. I 
refused, saying that I would look up to heaven and swear by the living 
God. To this they agreed. New heresies were then charged. I made 
a defense. They threatened me with the royal edict against heretics. I 
replied : ' The judge in heaven will one day decide, opening his record 
and book. Our cause will then be found just ; yours will be condemned.' 
We hear that we are all five condemned to be burned, and are expecting 
every day to hear our sentence. Their excellencies [of Berne and of 
Geneva] have interested themselves on our account. The whole church 
has grieved for us. We enjoy the fruits of their prayers. I can say, in 
truth, that I have never been better in body or soul in my life than here 
in prison, for all things must work together for the best to those who 
love God." 

Laborie wrote also several letters to his young wife, Anna. We will 
quote from these : " I thank the good God that He has com- Laborie > s letters 
forted me inwardly by thy letter, and by letters which have tohlswife - 
spoken of thee, praising thy steadfastness which God has vouchsafed 
thee. I pray thee that thou would recognize this as an especial gift of 
God, coming entirely from Him ; and that thou wouldst humble thyself 
the more in obedience to Him, that He may increase thy graces and thy 
gifts. For truly, if my death bring no other result (I hope to God that it 
will not be fruitless) than that thou by the same be, as I hear, even more 
awakened to know God, this were enough to cause me to suffer death 
with joy. I pray God that He fulfill his blessed work in thee, and draw 
thee more and more to Himself, through the power of the Holy Ghost. 
We are now awaiting the hour when we shall be led forth to death. 
We see no other issue before us, whatever man may do on our be- 
half. Therefore, I pray thee, call on God without ceasing, that He may 
grant us invincible steadfastness, that we may perfect the work which He 
has begun in us. Truly, in all my life I have longed for nothing with 
greater desire than to die for Christ and his truth. I am certain that my 


brothers will say the same. Remember thy life long that thou hadst as 
husband a man truly received and numbered among God's children. Be- 
ware that Christ's word be not spoken of thee : ' There shall be two in 
one bed ; the one shall be taken, the other left.' Let thy highest con- 
cern be to know God in thy heart, and to love and obey his holy will 
all thy life long. Exercise thyself to fear and know Him, to acknowl- 
edge thankfully the gifts of his grace, so that thou mayest continue his 
daughter, even as I have ever seen certain tokens in thee of thine adop- 
tion by God. Then we may see one another again, and eternally extol 
and praise God in that celestial glory to which God's Son, Jesus Christ, 
has called us. Thou art yet young ; be comforted in God. Let the 
Lord Christ be thy father and thy bridegroom, till He give thee another 
husband. I am sure that He will not forsake thee, but will take care of 
thine affairs beyond thy expectations. Therefore, rest in Him continu- 
ally. Fear and love Him in word and in deed. Attend diligently on the 
preaching of God's Word. Avoid evil company. Choose devout and 
God-fearing people. Act not alone according to thy liking and judgment, 
but ever seek advice from good people who have been our friends, es- 
pecially Monsieur John Calvin, who will lead thee to nothing wrong, if 
thou followest him, even as thou dost, and as I adjure thee to do. For 
thou knowest that this man is truly directed by the Spirit of God. He 
cannot, therefore, advise thee to evil. If thou wilt marry again, to which 
I counsel thee, then seek especially the advice of Calvin, and do not act 
without his knowledge and consent. Choose thee a God-fearing husband ; 
otherwise refuse to marry again. I trust God will care for thee as will 
be good for thee, according to his will. Call upon Him before all others, 
and commit thyself to his goodness. I have unceasingly prayed to Him 
for thee, and I do pray for thee ever. Thou knowest how deeply we 
loved one another, as long as the good God gave us to one another. The 
peace of God has ever been with us ; thou hast been submissive to me in 
all things. I pray thee that thou prove an equal, or even a greater, 
treasure to him whom the Lord will give thee. Thus God and his grace 
will ever dwell with thee and thy children. Remember ever the ele- 
ments of religion which I have taught thee (alas, I was not diligent 
enough in my office !) ; build on the same foundations, that thou mayest 
draw nearer and nearer unto God. Possibly, thy father, hearing of my 
death, will hasten to thee, and try to lead thee back to popery. I pray 
thee, for God's sake, and for the sake of thy salvation, not to obey thy 
father in this, but to refuse him, choosing to dwell in God's home rather 
than to return to Satan's dwelling. I would rather that thou wert swal- 
lowed up by the deepest chasm, that thou wert now dead, than that thou 
shouldst again be a papist. But I am sure that thou wouldst rather die 
than obey thy father in this. Death would be better and more whole- 
some. Pray God, therefore, to strengthen thee through his Holy Spirit. 


Possibly, my parents will think of taking away our little daughter. I 
pray thee, and in God's name command thee, that this sin and crime be 
not executed, let there come to thee anything that God may will ! For 
I call God to witness that I will demand the blood of this our little 
daughter at thy hand. If through thy guilt mid neglect harm come to 
her soul, her blood will descend and be poured upon thy head. I pray 
thee, then, by the duty thou owest God, by thy duty as a mother, by thy 
love in which thou art joined to me, thy husband and thy little daughter's 
father, that thou take this, my last request, to thy heart, and cause our 
little daughter, as soon as she is capable of instruction, to be brought up 
in the fear of God. I would have liked to write to thy father and to my 
own parents, but I have no more paper and ink, nor can I obtain any 
just now. Write, then, to them what has befallen me, through God's 
grace ; comfort them, and bring to their mind the great grace and kind- 
ness which God has shown me in my imprisonment. God grant that 
they be softened and moved to know and honor Him aright by my death, 
more than they have ever been affected by my warnings during my life. 
God be merciful unto them." 

Another letter of Laborie to his wife says : " When we were still to- 
gether, thou hadst not as many good friends as God has raised up for 
thee since I was imprisoned. They will care for thee better than I could 
have done, as I am assured by many letters. This is our dear God's 
doing. Instead of thy husband He gives thee many faithful fathers and 
brothers in the Lord. Thou shouldst be thankful, and learn from this 
how much better it is to endure opposition, adversity, and poverty than 
always to have rest and good days in abundance. Faith is proven in the 
furnace of affliction. I do not doubt thou hast persecution more than I. 
In this count thyself happy ; trust God, reposing thy heart and thy hope 
on Him alone. Thou knowest that, when I was in my native land, mov- 
ing with great lords who gave me their favor and friendship, I was far 
from God. Even in Geneva, as long as we had an abundance, thou 
knowest how we soon grew cold and careless, and how seldom and how 
sluggishly we thought upon God and his goodness. But when, later, 
things went less according to our wishes and our wills, how we then be- 
gan to seek refuge in God, to pray with earnestness and zeal, to read the 
Holy Scripture, and to comfort each the other ! Learn, then, to have 
greater delight in poverty than in riches, idleness, and luxury. Be con- 
tent with the goods given us by Christ, who wills that we find our good 
things in the cross, and take up our cross in patience and follow Him." 
Another of his letters says : " Dear sister Anna, — I have received thy 
letter of September 15th, and the pieces of clothing which thou didst 
send me. It is sweet to me that thou didst think of me in this trial. In 
the kindnesses which God hath shown thee, I behold the fruit of my prayer. 
Indeed, my death comes hard upon thee ; thou grievest thyself sadly over 


it. I was able to expect that, knowing thy tenderness. But I admonish 
thee not to give way. I would familiarize thee with the thought of re- 
membering me only as one dead, already consumed to ashes, to whom 
thou art no longer bound, except with such love as is due a brother. 
Thus pray for me as long as I dwell in this poor body upon the earth. 
Comfort thyself with Ruth, the Moabitess. Thinkest thou that God will 
allow thee to suffer bodily need ? Never ! He will care for thee, and 
for thy little daughter as well. Thou and my little girl will be better off 
after my death than now. And now I have commended thee, with thy 
daughter, to a faithful God, who will protect thee more carefully and lov- 
ingly than ever could have been done by me." 

John Vernon's letters, written in prison, deserve also to be known. 
He says : " He who has to do with the Righteous One may 
dismiss anxiety, especially when sure of God's love. "We 
have to do with One who spared not his Son, but gave Him up for us all ! 
How shall He not give us all things ? Let us put our confidence in the 
living God, who is more willing to give than are we to receive ! . . . . 
Many faithful disciples shall, on the last day, rise up in judgment against 
false disciples, who picture to themselves a kind of silk or satin Christ of 
their own invention, and who seek a Christianity without any cross or 
any hardship." Vernon wrote to his sister : " By the cross we become 
like our Lord Jesus, not only in that we suffer and die, as did He, but in 
that we grow holy, as was He, and thus through the cross and through 
holiness we enter eternal joy and glory." 

Trigolet wrote to his brother-in-law : " The good God and Father of 
our Lord Jesus Christ, whose prisoners we are, will afford us grace that 
we may exalt his name and edify his church, whether we are sent out of 
this miserable world by water or by fire." 

Taurant wrote a friend, in a letter of farewell : " I receive pain and 
torture as the means by which God will draw me to Him. If He draw 
me through fire, I take comfort from the three youths who were saved 
in the fiery furnace in Babylon. I know that the power of God is as 
great do-day. If He call me through the water, I take comfort from the 
children of Israel, who went unhurt through the Red Sea. Whatever 
He pleases to do to me, I am therewith content." 

The brethren wrote to Calvin. Three of Calvin's letters in reply, such 
Calvin writes to as ne sen ' m tnose d a y s Dv trusty messengers to prisons 
the prisoners. everywhere to the sufferers under persecution, have been 
preserved till now. In two letters of September 5th, he writes : " La- 
borie and Trigolet may be consoled as to their near relatives, for they 
have submitted themselves to God's will." He adds : " Above all, re- 
pose in God's fatherly care, and doubt not that He watches over your 
bodies and souls. How dear is the blood of believers to Him He will 
prove after that He has made you his witnesses." In an appeal made by 


the five to their king, which had been sent to Calvin for revision, the lat- 
ter would have changed some expressions. " But," he adds, " I would 
rather it should remain as God has suggested to you. If the world does 
not receive such a just and holy appeal as it ought, yet it will be ap- 
proved by God, by his angels, by the prophets and the whole church. 
All the faithful who read it will thank God for what He has done for you 
through the Holy Spirit." October 5th, Calvin and others wrote : " It 
is one of Satan's best artifices to weary by long effort persons whom he 
could not strike down at his first assault. But God will make you stead- 
fast, even unto the end." 

Upon the day appointed for their execution, a gentleman who had done 
much on their behalf found means to enter their prison, to report the 
decision of the " parliament," to comfort them, and to admonish them to 
constancy. They at once lifted up their voices and thanked God for the 
grace shown them. Vernon was iu such fear at the first announcement 
of death that he trembled in every limb, saying : " I feel that there is a 
harder battle to be fought iu me than often falls to man ; yet the Spirit 
will subdue the cursed flesh, and I am sure that the good God will not 
forsake me. I beseech you, brothers, be not anxious about me. I will 
not fail, for God has promised that He will not leave us in our trial. This 
fear of death must show us how weak we are, that all the honor may be to 

When they at last stood upon the scaffold, Vernon obtained what he 
had promised himself, from God, a blessed steadfastness and Their gloriou3 
a strength worthy of a Christian. He was first laid hold deaths - 
of by the executioners. Before he was tied to the stake, he prayed, 
" Lord, I acknowledge myself a poor sinner before Thee," and added to 
his prayers his confession of faith, commending himself to the Lord, re- 
joicing that he had overcome the pains of death and every foe. 

Antony Laborie felt no fear of death at all. He went as to a festival, 
joyously and bravely. Before death he was asked by the executioner to 
grant him forgiveness. Laborie replied, " My friend, thou injurest me 
not. By thy deed I am delivered from a sore imprisonment." With 
these words he kissed the executioner. Several of the by-standers, moved 
at the sight, began weeping. Laborie took up Vernon's prayer and went 
through it, then repeated his creed in a loud voice, and gave up the spirit 
with amazing courage. John Trigolet met his death serenely, and even 
joyously, praying for his enemies : " There are some among them who 
know not what they do. There are others who know well, but because 
bewitched by Satan and drunk with prosperity, they will not confess their 
real belief. But, my God, I beseech Thee, loose their fetters." He added, 
" I behold Thee, even now, high on thy throne, and heaven open, even as 
Thou didst show it to thy servant Stephen." Saying this, he died. 

Bataille said with loud voice to the people that they were not there to 


be executed as thieves and murderers, but as supporters of the cause of 
God. Praying, he was put to death. The last, Tauraut, repeated parts 
of psalms, in clear accents. Though but a youth, he showed equal 
steadfastness with the others, and praying with fervor and strong will 
gave up his sjririt. — A. E. F. 




As by the heroic Luther stands a revered Melancthon, by Zwingle an 
(Ecolarnpadius and a Bullinger, so beside John Calvin, in Geneva, is his 
pupil and friend, his brother, comrade, and loyal supporter, Theodore 
Beza. He comes, not like Luther or Zwingle, from the cottage of the 
peasant or mountaineer, nor like Melancthon or CEcolauipadius, from the 
armorer's workshop or the tradesman's office, but from among those 
whom earth calls " high-born," — albeit their names may be written no 
higher in heaven than those of men whom the Lord has raised out of 
the lowest dust. His father, Peter de Beza, a nobleman, dwelt as royal 
governor in Vezelay castle, in a wild, romantic spot of old Burgundy. 
His mother, Marie Bourdelot, was a pattern of piety, humility, and kind- 
ness to the poor and suffering. She aided them with love and active 
effort, and also with a knowledge which she had obtained of the science 
of medicine. Theodore, the seventh child of this pair blessed with many 
children, was born June 24, 1519. When he was hardly three years 
old, his father's bi'Other, Nicholas de Beza, a parliamentary counselor, 
begged to take the boy, who was delicate, with him to Paris to be edu- 
cated. The mother gave consent with a heavy heart. She went with 
her darling to his destination, and bade him farewell, never to see him 
again, for she died when thirty-one. The uncle proved both father and 
As a boy in mother to the child. Nor did he escape the troubles which 
Paris - parents endure. Despite his care, Theodore caught a dan- 

gerous infection from a servant, and was obliged to undergo a severe 
surgical operation. The boy went every day with a cousin, also a pa- 
tient, to his physician, who dwelt in the Louvre. He had to cross the 
Millers' Bridge (Pont aux Meuniers). His cousin, one day, was tempted, 
to escape his pains, to throw himself over the bridge into the Seine, and 
wanted Theodore to do the same. The two boys, unnoticed by their at- 
tendant, would have done the rash deed, had not their uncle been on the 
watch at the moment and prevented it. Theodore recovered, and at once 
his education was begun. His uncle learned from an Orleans friend who 
paid him a visit that there was a very worthy teacher in Orleans, a 


German named Wolmar. He resolved to commit his nephew to him. 
Theodore was sent, in the company of his uncle's friend, to the latter's 
house, to go to school with his son. The respect often shown by the 
French to German solidity was, in Wolmar's case, justified. The Swa- 
bian was well informed and thorough. 

Young Beza, reaching Orleans December 5, 1528, was heartily wel- 
comed by his teacher. He used to call the day of his entrance into Wol- 
mar's house his second birthday. Before long he went with Wolmar to 
a new place of abode. The latter had been called by Margaret of An- 
gouleme (sister of Francis First), the duchess of Alen$on and Berry, to 
teach the classics in her new college, in Bourges. Wolmar accepted the 
call, and Theodore followed him. Bourges was one of the cities where 
the gospel light was dawning, and sheltered many whom Paris would 
have burned on account of their belief. Young Beza could not but be 
touched by the light. Wolmar's house was the resort of gifted minds 
devoted to reform. One who came was Calvin, whom Wolmar decidedly 
influenced. Beza's pleasant relations soon ended. Bourges early became 
an unsafe residence for the reformed. Wolmar had to leave France 
(1535) and fly to Germany. Theodore would have liked to go with him, 
but his father, the old lord and governor of Vezelay, who held to the old 
religion, was glad to see his son's relation to Wolmar and other active 
spirits at an end. Theodore had to go back to Orleans, to pursue the 
study of the law, which he had chosen, and fit himself for practical life. 
A young man liberally trained found little attraction in the law as then 
taught. Beza took delight in the Latin poets, of whom he had tasted in 
the school of Wolmar, — in Ovid, Catullus, and Tibullus. He himself 
wrote poems addressed to his first love, Marie de l'Etoile, daughter of an 
Orleans professor of law. She died soon after this. Beza left Orleans 
for Paris. His uncle Nicholas, his old patron and supporter, was long 
since dead. A brother of Nicholas, Claudius, abbot of Froimont, received 
his nephew. Theodore's eldest brother was there, already in possession 
of a living, and he and Theodore dwelt together. The youth's talents 
were soon noticed. He moved with ease among the wits and scholars, 
winning favor by his poetry. His pleasure was that of the accomplished 
worldling. Long after, Beza regarded this period with regret. To es- 
cape the dangers of the frivolous female society around him, he resolved 
to marry. He betrothed a young girl of the burgher class, without prop- 
erty, declaring before two witnesses that he would acknowledge the union 
as soon as his circumstances permitted. Her name was Claude Desnoz. 
His relation to her excited his foes to utter slanders against him, which 
he answered with the noblest candor. He published at this period his 
youthful Latin poems (Juvenilia), on the model of Virgil and Ovid. 1 

1 The latter name suggests that many a thing slipped in which suited heathen views of 
life rather than Christian. Beza himself confessed afterwards that he looked back with 


The gifted youth was soon to leave poetic trifling and begin hard 
Lea to an ear- work. He was taken into God's school by a severe illness, 
nest life. jj e sa ys, "The Lord so visited me that I had doubts of my 

recovery. What could I, unhappy, do with only God's fearful judgment 
before me? What then ? After infinite pain of my body and soul, the 
Lord pitied his fickle follower, comforting me so that I no more doubted 
his pardoning grace. Amid a thousand tears I abhorred myself, sought 
mercy, renewed my vows, openly acknowledged his true church and wor- 
ship. In short, I gave myself to Him wholly and entirely. The image 
of death shown me in its reality waked in me the slumbering but never 
buried desire for a new life. My sickness was the beginning of my re- 
covery and of my true health. Thus strangely does God work with his 
own, by the same blows striking down, wounding, and also healing them. 
As soon as I could leave my couch, I broke all the bonds which fettered 
me, packed up my few possessions, and left fatherland, parents, and 
friends, to follow the call of Christ." 

Whither could Beza better go than to the city which yielded refuge 
to so many of those persecuted for the gospel's sake, — to Geneva, where 
Calvin was then in the noontide of his labor ? Thither he went, taking 
with him his espoused wife. The first thing he did after Galvin had 
made him welcome was to celebrate his marriage in a public, formal man- 
ner. The next question was how to live. His project of setting up a 
printing-house, with the help of Crespin, another exile, was pronounced 
by Calvin injudicious. He then thought his best plan was to seek his 
friend Wolmar in Germany, and consult with him upon his future course. 
He went to Tubingen, where his former teacher received him with open 
arms. Wolmar advised him to return to Geneva, and wait till God 
opened a door. And Beza did not have to wait long. Before he reached 
Geneva he was asked by Lausanne to become professor of Greek in her 
academy. 1 He consented, and took the oath of office November 9, 1549, 
with thankful, hopeful heart. His conscientiousness was shown in his 
refusing to accept the place till any offense lie might have given at an 
earlier date by his youthful poetry was removed. Only after the college 
had put him at rest on this, as a matter which was a part of his popish 
experience, and like that a thing of the past, could Beza feel satisfied. 

shame at the misuse of his poetic gifts, of which he was guilty. Such frank acknowledg- 
ments (and Zwingle had made similar ones in his time) give us a more correct measure for 
judging our reformers morally than the exaggerations and calumnies of malicious op- 
ponents on the one hand, or the palliations of officious advocates upon the other. They 
are presented to us by history not as perfect saints, but as men saved by God's grace, and 
advancing in his service more and more towards holiness. For the rest, Beza's poems 
were written in a careless and loose rather than an impure, uncleanly way. How else 
could Wolmar — to whom he submitted and dedicated them — have advised their publica- 
tion ! 

1 Lausanne at that time, like all the canton Vaud, was under the rule of Berne. Her 
church relations were governed by the articles of the Berne conference of 1528. Every 
one taking office in her church or schools was required to take an oath of adhcronce to 
these articles. 


He tried to atone for any harm which his poems might have done by 
using his poetic gift to the praise of God. Was there any way to do this 
so good as to give David's Psalms to the French church ? Before him, 
Clement Marot of Cahors had begun this work, but he had translated 
but fifty Psalms, to which the celebrated Goudimel had adapted music. 
Beza completed the book, giving the whole Psalter to the church for use 
in public worship (1552). Dramatic poetry, so largely secularized, was 
used by Beza for sacred purposes. The old religious plays of the Mid- 
dle Aires had degenerated. In their stead Biblical histories were intro- 
duced into the schools for elocutionary exercises. Beza arranged suc- 
cessfully the " Sacrifice of Abraham " as a school drama. It was pre- 
sented in a public hall, and met with great applause. The joyous days of 
the drama were followed by trying da}-s of affliction. The plague had 
been brought to Lausanne from Biindte (1551), and Beza was stricken 
by it. His life was in danger. Viret, the reformer of Lausanne, com- 
municated his anxiety to Calvin in a letter. The prayers of all his 
friends united for the recovery of Beza, and were answered. He devoted 
himself anew to science and the church. It were a long task to fol- 
low his ten years in Lausanne in detail. The main facts will be suf- 
ficient. To his work as professor he added Bible lessons on Romans 
and the epistles of Peter, all in the French language, to instruct and 
build up the church. He maintained an extended correspondence with 
Bullinger, Calvin, and others. He followed the Reformation not with 
the eye of a mere sjiectator, but as a participant with pen and tongue. 
He was deeply moved by the fate of five students of Lausanne, his 
pupils, who died as martyrs in Lyons. He poured forth his lament in 
an elegy. He took part in the controversy on election, ad- siaes with cai- 
hering to Calvin against his adversaries, especially against vm ' 
Bolsec. He did not hesitate in taking Calvin's side when an angry out- 
cry was raised respecting the execution of Servetus (1553). Beza pub- 
lished a work maintaining the right of the magistrate to punish heresy 
by death. 1 Beza, like Calvin, considered religious error a crime against 
the commonwealth, and more culpable, as undermining the principles of 
Christianity, than murder, adultery, and theft. He did not reflect that 
religious convictions cannot be suppressed by force. He was not alone 
in his views, for the majority of his age thought as he did, and not the 
ignorant masses only, but the most intelligent statesmen and theologians. 
The Christian sentiment of later days has disseminated more correct 
views on this question. 

Amid public disputes, Beza was called to endure conflict with those 
nearest him, — his father and eldest brother. The old lord, as has been 

1 On the Punishment of Heretics by the Civil Power. The book was aimed chiefly at 
S. Castellio, who along with L. Socinus and S. Curione had in a treatise censured the 
persecution of Servetus. Beza's book appeared in Basel under the assumed name of Martin 
Bellius, and was dedicated to duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg. 


said, saw with displeasure the connection of his son with the reformed be- 
lief, and now how deeply was he imbued with it ! Yet might it not be 
possible to draw him again to the bosom of the " only saving church " ? It 
seemed worth while to make the trial. So, one day, his eldest brother, 
John de Beza, came to persuade Theodore to go back, but in vain. He 
confessed that his efforts availed nothing, while he was himself almost 
persuaded by Theodore to leave Rome and embrace the gospel. Then 
a severer trial visited the reformer, for his old father came. They met 
on the frontier between Switzerland and France, but without result. 
They parted with sad hearts, for no agreement was possible to men look- 
ing at religion from such opposite stand-points. 

A welcome errand engaged Beza in 1556. With his friend Farel he 
visited the reformed Swiss cantons, to move them to decided steps in 
favor of the Waldensians, whom France was persecuting. An embassy 
was to go to Paris to influence the French court, which waged the per- 
secution. The German states and princes were asked to join their efforts. 
The success of this excellent movement was hindered by the variance 
between the Swiss and the Germans on the Supper. This needed to 
be removed. Beza lent his aid to its removal. His work was misunder- 
stood by both sides, and frustrated. He tried to move the German 
princes to help his brethren in France, who were again persecuted. For 
this end he made a journey as far as Marburg, but achieved little. An 
embassy was indeed sent to Paris, but returned without fulfilling its 
purpose, reporting that even during its presence in the city new victims 
were led to the stake. 

Close on these trials came dissensions among the clergy of Vaud, one 
side holding strictly to the rules of Berne in matters of church govern- 
ment and discipline, the other maintaining the independence of the church 
according to the views of Calvin. Beza tried in vain, to mediate. He 
then left Lausanne for Geneva (September, 1558). He came at the 
right moment, for the magistrates, at Calvin's suggestion, had set up a 
Bemns work in college. To this Beza was called, not only as lecturer and 
Geneva. expositor of the Scripture, but as president. He was now 

ordained as a minister. The school opened June 5, 1559. Beza de- 
livered his inaugural in St. Peter's, on the origin, dignity, necessity, and 
use of schools, Calvin solemnly introducing the exercises with prayer 
and a brief address. Beza's excellent remarks on the advantage of edu- 
cation are worth reading even now. The college of Geneva was hence- 
forth the training-school of all reformed^ France. Scholars flocked to it 
from all directions. Soon after its foundation, the lowest of its seven 
classes numbered three hundred. Amid all this varied work in church 
and school Beza did not lose sight of the cause of the Reformation at 
large. The persecutions in France distressed him. He went to Ger- 
many (November, 1559) to impress the serious state of things on the 


good elector Frederick Third of Heidelberg. The elector agreed that a 
petition in his name, prepared by Beza, be sent to the French king. But 
though the king gave the embassy the most nattering assurances, victims 
still were slain, among them Anna du Bourg, the celebrated parliament- 
ary counselor. 

Beza would not give up his efforts to mediate between Lutherans and 
Calvinists on the question of the sacrament. Yet he was obliged to ac- 
knowledge that amid the hot strife of parties his words of peace were 
spoken to the winds. He was stirred to reply to the rough attack on 
Calvin's doctrine by the Hamburg doctor, Jerome Westphal, and to an- 
swer even more sharply the abuse of Tileman Hesshus. "Who can blame 
Beza if he forgot moderation, and ventured expressions which were hardly 
suited to effect an understanding upon so sacred a question ? Yet how 
happily he expressed himself in his writing against Westphal : " Of in- 
vectives, reproaches, accusations, and defenses, there have been more than 
enough. It is a cause of repentance and sorrow that the gospel has been 
hindered so long by this sad dispute. Let it be thus far and no farther 
with this rivalry in enmity, which our sins have brought upon us. "Why 
not emulate one another in love?" But the day for this had not come, 
and who shall censure that age in comparison with our own, for are we 
any better ? Beza's keen eye saw that the disputes of the reformers were 
promising their foes a triumph. He deemed it a time, notwithstanding 
the schism, to present a public and full confession of his own faith. 
This he did in a little book, originally written in French, as an expla- 
nation of his views to his father, but published now, in a more extended 
form, in Latin (15 GO). The book produced a very great sensation. It 
was translated into Italian. A hundred years later it served as an au- 
thority in the reformed church, and was anathematized by the archbishop 
of Paris in the year of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. ' 

The time was come when Beza must testify his faith, not in books, but 
in person, in the presence of the world's great ones, — ' the same faith for 
which his brethren in France were persecuted. Henry Second dying, 
the party in France opposed to reform joined the Guises against the 
Bourbons and Anthony of Navarre. On the side of the latter were 
the Huguenots, as the reformed were named, with Conde, the glorious 
Coligny, and other noblemen. Navarre was, at heart, but half Protestant. 
Only after long hesitation did he decide to hear some distinguished Hu- 
guenot teacher, and reflect upon the points at issue. No man seemed 
better fitted to become his teacher than Beza, who had noble descent on 
his side. A letter was sent to Calvin from Navarre asking for Beza, 
and Calvin advised him to go. The Huguenot nobles were assembled 
with the king of Navarre in Nerac, the old capitol of the duchy of 
Albret. Queen Joanna of Albret, mother of the coming Henry Fourth, 
was present. Thither Beza took his journey. After twelve years' exile, 


he trod French soil once more. Guarded a part of the way by armed 
horsemen, he reached Nerac in safety. Around his pulpit thronged no- 
bles, warriors, and people. He certainly made an impression on Navarre, 
but without any definite result. Queen Joanna, however, who was at first 
opposed to Beza, had her heart touched, and became a " second Deborah " 
of a striving Israel. 

After three mouths in France, Beza returned to Geneva, and found 
the city full of French exiles, for whom he and Calvin needed to provide. 
The plague had come, also, and taken away several friends and associates. 
He heard with pain of the death of his old friend and teacher, Wolmar. 
Soon his presence was again demanded in France. There, as in other 
lands, a conference was to decide the question of religion. It was called 
by the king (July 25, 1561) to meet at the abbey of Poissy, near Paris. 
Here " all were to appear, of whatever condition, who had anything to 
present respecting religion." The invitation was accompanied by a sol- 
ms great mis- emn P rom i se of safe-conduct. No one, it was thought by 
sion in France. tne French Protestants, could represent them better than 
Beza. An invitation was sent him by Conde and Coligny and the re- 
formed church of Paris, through a nobleman, Claudius of Pradello. 
After precautions for his safety, Beza acceded to this invitation. 

He entered Paris the 22d of August, 1561. He was presented to the 
court of St. Germain. The following Sunday he held public worship, at 
the desire of the assembly, before a chosen company. He was given 
opportunity, also, at the house of the king of Navarre, in the presence 
of the queen-mother, Catherine de' Medici, to answer the cardinal of 
Lorraine, and to meet charges against him respecting the sacrament (as 
that he had said, " Christum esse in ccena sicut in cceno "). The formal 
conference first met, with all ceremony, the 9th of September, in the great 
vaulted hall of the abbey of Poissy. It was a brilliant convocation. On 
the throne sat Charles Ninth, still a child, while round him were the 
lords and ladies of the royal house. The queen-mother, the nobles, the 
church-officials, cardinals, archbishops, bishops, with the doctors of the 
Sorbonne, as the representatives of the university, were pi-esent in their 
costly robes. When, strikingly different from these, there entered thirty- 
four preachers and elders, the representatives of the reformed church of 
France, clad in modest garments, contrasting greatly with the brilliant 
array, a haughty cardinal uttered the bitter words, " Here come the Ge- 
neva dogs ! " But Beza had his answer for the man in scarlet. " There 
is need," said he, " of faithful dogs in the Lord's fold, to bark at the rav- 
ening wolves ! " 

When the proceedings had been opened by the worthy chancellor, 
L'Hopital, by an address, Beza, in beginning, turned to the king with 
the declaration that it was, above all things, necessary to begin by invok- 
ing God. Falling on his knees, he prayed : " Lord God, Father eternal, 


almighty, we acknowledge and confess before thy holy majesty that we 
are poor sinners, conceived and born in sin, inclined to every evil and 
averse from all good ; that we constantly transgress thy holy laws, and 
bring upon us ruin and death by thy most righteous judgment. But, O 
Lord, we repent, and are sorry that we have offended Thee ; we condemn 
ourselves and our transgressions with true repentance, and earnestly long 
for thy grace to help our misery." (These words, as is known, form the 
"public confession " with which the French church, and also the reformed 
German church, still begin public worship.) Beza continued: "Since it 
pleases Thee to-day thus highly to favor thy unprofitable servants, suffer- 
ing them freely to confess the truth of thine Holy Word in the presence 
of the king whom Thou hast set over them, and of this illustrious as- 
sembly, we pray Thee, O God and Father of all light, that Thou after 
thine ineffable goodness and mercy wouldst enlighten our minds, control 
our hearts and thoughts, and lead them into all truth, and direct our 
words that we may confess and present the secret things made known to 
us according to the measure of thy good pleasure, and revealed to men, 
for their salvation, not with our lips only, but with the whole heart in 
purity and sincerity, to the glory and honor of thine holy name, and to 
the welfare and prosperity of our king and his entire house, to the com- 
fort and peace of all Christendom, and especially of this dear realm. 
Lord God, almighty Father, we ask this only in the name and for the 
sake of thy dear Son, Jesus Christ, our Lord and Saviour. Amen." 

Then, having first said the Lord's prayer, he rose and delivered a well- 
considered address to the king, opening the condition of His ad(lress be _ 
affairs, and presenting a short confession of faith as held fore the kin s- 
by the Protestants. He frankly stated the reformed view of the Lord's 
Supper. He repelled the charge that they made of the observance a 
mere commemoration. He solemnly affirmed that it was a real commun- 
ion of Christ's body, only combating the local presence of that body 
in the bread, the transubstantiation theory of the Romanists and the 
ubiquity theory of the Lutherans. Locally, Christ's body and blood are 
as far removed from bread and wine as the highest heaven, where Christ 
dwells, is removed from the earth. Here he touched the tenderest spot. 
Till this point he had been heard quietly. Now broke forth a tempest. 
" Blasphemavit ! Blasphemavit ! " (" He has spoken blasphemy ! ") re- 
sounded on all sides. The cardinal of Tournou and others tried to have 
the king forbid the daring orator to proceed, and threatened to leave the 
hall, but were brought to order by the king. The discussion went on for 
days, and was continued in smaller assemblies. It need not be followed 
in its details. The desired result was not obtained. Negotiations were 
broken off. Beza remained for a time in France, obeying the express 
wish of queen Catherine, and at every opportunity strengthened the 
hearts of the reformed by his sermons. He witnessed the bloody com- 


bats brought on by the religious war, which proved inevitable. He was 
present, as a chaplain, at the battle of Dreux. His influence contributed 
to the strict discipline which was established in the army of the Hugue- 
nots, commanding the respect even of their foes. 

In May, 1563, he returned to Geneva. He was the more needed as 
Calvin drew near his end, which came soon afterwards. Who was so fit 
to take his place as Beza ? Yet his modesty forbade him to deem him- 
self the life-long successor of Calvin. At his request a yearly moder- 
ator of the meetings of the Geneva clergy (" venerable compagnie ") was 
chosen. At the end of each year a strict censorship was instituted. So 
great confidence was felt in Beza that he was yearly reelected until 1580, 
when the aged man was opposed, for unworthy motives. The burden 
thus imposed upon him may be imagined, yet it was borne by him to old 
age. Besides the daily throng of duties, the sad events of his times came 
very close to him. He did not think of Geneva only. He was confess- 
edly the patriarch of the reformed church of France. Hence, to name 
one of his acts, he sat as president of the synod of Rochelle (April, 1571), 
with the leave of Geneva. The massacre of St. Bartholomew's (August, 
1572) was not wholly a surprise to him. (He had warned Henry of Na- 
varre, just before, against marrying a Romanist princess.) None the less 
Beza, like others, was overwhelmed by the calamity. He received it as a 
judgment of God. On his motion a day of fasting and prayer was ob- 
served (September). He preached a sermon of encouragement. Many 
who had fled from France were in the assembly. They continued to 
come in growing throngs, and he and his associates made it their first 
business to take care of them. They set the example of giving, and 
turned their houses into inns for the exiles. The going over of Henry 
Fourth to Romanism was deeply felt by Beza. It was long supposed 
that he had kept silence upon it as something that could not be helped, 
His noble letter Dut a ^ ew y ears smce there was discovered in Geneva a let- 
to Henry. ter f 1593 ? j n w hich Beza addresses himself to the king's 
conscience, and admonishes him not to consider what shall bring him 
honor, but to seek the glory of God, and place his confidence in One who 
has rescued him from greater difficulties than the present, and who will 
still uphold him by a mighty arm. He reminds Henry of words which 
he had himself spoken : " If God will that I be king, it will come to 
pass, however man may try to hinder it. If He will it not, neither do I 
will it." It was a saying worthy of a Christian king. He placed be- 
fore him David's example,' whom he might not only imitate, but surpass, 
by copying his virtues and avoiding his failings. But Beza's warning 
was too late. He had to submit to things as they were, and, conscious of 
having done his part, hid his pain and committed the future to God. In 
August following he wrote, " God be thanked that faith has not left my 
soul, yet I am sore troubled and vexed. "What hopes we reposed in this 


prince, and how grievously has he sinned against God, the holy angels, 
and the saints on the earth ! . . . . Our only refuge is God's grace ; it 
cannot be his will to give us over utterly to destruction ! " Beza was 
impartial in recognizing the good will and kind intentions of Henry 
Fourth, shown especially in his favoring the reformed in his Edict of 
Nantes. He deemed the king God's agent in preserving the French re- 
formed church. He had occasion (1599) for meeting Henry once more, 
when the king came to succor Geneva, at a critical time, when she was 
threatened by foes in Savoy. Beza led an embassy from Geneva to 
Henry, and closed his address by adapting the words of Simeon : " Lord, 
now lettest Thou thy servant depart in peace, according to thy word ; for 
mine eyes have seen before my death not only the deliverance of thine 
unworthy servants, but also the protector of all France and of all the 
believing." Henry in turn addressed Beza as " father," and dismissed 
him with a present. 

It would exceed our limits and edify our readers little to follow Beza 
into other fields, especially into his various controversial writings. He 
was present at the religious conference at Mombelgard (1587), appointed 
by Frederick of Wurtemberg to confer with the famed Lutheran theo- 
logian, Jacob Andrea, upon the Lord's Supper, and also upon predesti- 

A noble constancy was shown by Beza in his last days, attacked as he 
was on all sides, in repelling the temptations offered him by Meets Francis 
a high official of the Romish church to return to her bosom. de Sales ' 
This was Francis de Sales, who when a young man was appointed Rom- 
ish bishop of Geneva, and ventured upon the hard task by the pope's 
command. He asked Beza, among other things, whether he believed 
that any could be saved in the Romanist church. To this Beza could 
not say no. But this was very different from acknowledging the Roman 
church as the only one that could save, or as a truer church than the 
reformed. Beza, strong in his convictions, was not tempted to this an 
instant. Briberies, to which the otherwise noble man Francis de Sales 
ignobly resorted, were of the least avail with Beza. It was not to be 
a gross bribe, but only an arrangement which might render the step 
more easy for Beza. Therefore, the bishop would insure him an annual 
pension of four thousand dollars, with something more in prospect. Beza 
could no longer contain himself. The word was on his tongue, " Get 
thee behind me, Satan." "Whether he really said that aloud, as some 
report, or whether, according to an oral tradition, he replied in milder but 
equally plain language, saying, " Go, sir ; I am too old and too deaf to 
be able to hear such words," we need not dispute. This much is certain: 
that the tempter from that hour left him with the firm impression that 
the man had "a heart of stone." 

In his later years, Beza withdrew more and more from public labor. 


His wife had died in 1588. He had lived with her happily for forty 
years. They had been given no children. By advice of his friends he 
took as a second wife in his old age a widow of Geneva, Catharine del 
Piano. Until he was sixty-five he had the best of health. Now the bur- 
dens of old age came, — rheumatic pains, sleeplessness, frequent fainting 
fits, even in the pulpit, and trembling of the hand, which compelled him 
to employ an amanuensis. In October, 1595, he made his last will, es- 
pecially thanking God for the mercy shown a poor sinner. Yet his en- 
feebled frame lasted till towards the close of 1605. On the 2d of Octo- 
ber his death was foreboded. The preacher of the city hastened to him ; 
also the professors came and received his farewells. Taken with paraly- 
sis the 15th of October, he quietly fell asleep. He had expressed the 
wish in his will to be laid in the public grave-yard of Plain-Palais, but 
the government gave him burial in the chancel of St. Peter's. 

Of Beza's writings his Latin New Testament deserves mention for its 
fidelity and elegance. His Bible expositions are valuable ; also his histo- 
ries, especially his history of the reformed church of France from 1521 
to 1563. He possessed a character of great gentleness and affableness, 
as well as resoluteness. The saying of his opponents has come down to 
our time : " We would rather be with Beza in hell than with Calvin in 
heaven." We believe and rejoice that they both are written in heaven. 
Yet we will not palliate the faults of either at the cost of truth. The 
Lord knows his own. To his own master every one standeth or falleth. 
Meanwhile, it becomes us to honor those who have preached to us the 
word of salvation, and to follow their faith. — K. R. H. 


A. D. 1518-A. D. 1572. LAICAL LEADER, — FRANCE. 

Nothing- is stranger than the history of party names. They are de- 
cided by accident, heralded by prejudice, and hallowed by association. 
The disciples of the Crucified, named Nazarenes by the Jews, who thought 
Nazareth was the birthplace of Jesus, were termed Christians by the 
Latins, who thought Christ was a man's given name. The title, at first 
given in reproach and scorn, for centuries has been a designation of high- 
est honor. In our own day the noble activity of some Christian English- 
men, sent of God to stir up the reformed church of France to a new life, 
has obtained the name of Methodists for all our French people who hold 
to the traditions and doctrines of that noble church which has been mar- 
tyred both in old times and in new. 

Our fathers, the reformers, met the common fate. They were called 
successively Lutherans, Protestants, and Sacramentarians, names easily 


explained. Finally, the wrath of their foes fixed on the name Hugue- 
nots, which still passes among the people of France as a term of severe 
reproach. The origin of the name is described in three ways : some 
think it a corruption of the German word " eidgenossen," or " confeder- 
ates;" others derive it from Hugo, whom popular superstition in Tours 
portrayed as a ghost or hobgoblin who haunted the streets by night; the 
persecuted reformers having meetings by night, which were compared 
by the fanatic mob to those of king Hugo. Others, still, think that the 
well-known attachment of the Protestants to the family of Hugo Capet, 
impelling them ever to sustain their native kings against foreign influ- 
ence and control, moved their Romish, Lorraioish, and Spanish foes to 
give a nickname which impartial history regards to-day as a title of honor 
and an open confession of their cruel persecution. 

Be this as it may, the followers of those heroes who died by thousands 
on the battle-fields, or with glad courage on the scaffold, need blush 
neither for their deeds nor for their name. All the ancient calumnies, 
refuted, one after another, by later investigations, have never obscured 
two facts : that in religion those men were the most upright Christians ; 
in politics they were the truest Frenchmen. I count myself happy in 
being able to honor their memory, and that among the Germans, our 
brethren of old time, who have been more favored by political circumstances 
than have we. And if I give a foreign note, I am sure it will be gladly 
heard. I regret only that I am confined in this account within such narrow 
limits. Yet this is a less serious misfortune than might be n ,. 

o Coligny repre- 

supposed. For to portray Coligny is nothing less than to sentative. 
present the Huguenot character in a most complete form. Frenchman, 
nobleman, statesman, father, warrior, believer, all in one, he united in 
himself all the virtues, all the talents, all the misfortunes, of his party. 
In order that he might be a perfect Huguenot, there was wanting to him 
neither the dreadful necessity of civil war, nor the mental discernment 
which outstripped his age, nor invincible courage, nor that martyr re- 
nown which was more useful to the Reformation than his noble feats of 
arms ! 

Gaspar de Chatillon, count Coligny, was born February 16, 1518. 
He was the son of marshal de Chatillon (who died 1522) and Louise de 
Montmorency. One of his brothers was cardinal Odel de Chatillon, who 
administered the Lord's Supper after the Huguenot fashion in his episco- 
pal palace, was married in his red robe, and died by poison in 1571. 
Another brother was Francis d'Andelot, a man equal in valor to Co- 
ligny, and perhaps surpassing him in boldness, but not so complete a 
hero as the latter, in presence of whose splendid qualities even the rarest 
merits became obscure. The son of Coligny, Francis de Chatillon, was 
the avenger of his father in dreadful wars, and lived long enough to win 
fame as a warrior, but not renown equal to that of his father. 


Coligny was brought to court, while still a youth, by his uncle the con- 
stable, and found as his first friend Francis of Lorraine, afterwards duke 
of Guise, who was to prove his stubborn and deadly enemy. The young 
man became, in succession, lieutenant under the duke of Orleans, lieuten- 
ant-colonel of the French army (1547), lieutenant-general (1550), gov- 
ernor of Paris and of the isle of France (1551), and at last admiral 
(1552). By the last title he is known in history. A war began by 
Henry Second breaking the treaty with Spain. The courage of Coligny 
did not avert the disaster which is sure to follow a breach of covenant. 
Losing the battle of St. Quentin's, Coligny was made prisoner and kept in 
the fortress of Gaud. His enforced leisure under God became to him a 
source of profoundest knowledge. He read in prison the writings of the 
reformers, and especially the Bible, by which he came to a correct view 
of Romish doctrine. Becoming free by the treaty of Chateau Carnbresis, 
he was allied forever to the cause of the French Reformation. He was 
now forty years old. The purity of his morals, the earnestness of his 
character, the firmness of his faith, and the tried discretion which he never 
lost save once, when his great soul could not believe in the treachery of a 
boy, — all pointed him out as the leader of the Protestants, and gave him 
an influence which excited the envy of Conde He served France 
through the rule of Francis Second, without needing to draw his sword 
in the cause of his faith. At last, after numerous intrigues and contra- 
dictory edicts, after a conspiracy which failed and a meeting of the states 
Takes u arms general which proved weak and futile before the prevailing 
for Ms faith. power of the Guises, Coligny was compelled, lover of his 
country as he was, to take up arms. Whoever will study the plots, in- 
surrections, and crimes of that bloody era will not fail to acquit the ad- 
miral. He was obliged to stand up against enemies who were the 
enemies of France and its king before they became the persecutors of 
Coligny and the Reformation. Yet the admiral formed his sad purpose 
not without hesitation. He yielded to the inflexible, practical, and far- 
sighted spirit of his wife. This devout and resolute woman, Charlotte 
de Laval, represented that they must either proceed to extremities or be- 
tray their religion. " I adjure you," said she, " in the name of God, not 
to trifle in the future, else I shall appear a witness against you at the 
judgment." Charles Ninth was king. Coligny was made by the re- 
formed league lieutenant-general under Conde, but was foremost in mili- 
tary talent. At first he rejected the proposition to call on the German 
and English Protestants for assistance. He desired that the French 
should settle their own grievous differences. He was forced to change his 
view. Henceforward he was heart and hand with the Reformation, and 
its unshaken if not always its unbeaten champion. 

For a catalogue of all the valiant deeds of the Protestant hero there is 
not space. We will dwell on those which especially distinguish him and 


his brother Huguenots. "We do not think it necessary to vindicate Co- 
ligny from a part in the death of the duke of Guise by the fanaticism 
and revenge of Poltrot. A single fact helps the admiral's memory more 
than all the vindications put forth, — than even those which he wrote him- 
self. When he was struck and his finger shattered by the copper bullet 
from the rifle of the regicide Maurevel, who had lain in ambush for him 
three days in the house of a canon, he said, after the amputation, " I have 
no enemy save the dukes of Guise. Yet I would not affirm that they 
dealt this blow." Who can believe that a man so incapable of suspicion 
could have soiled his hands by a murder ! 

Exposed constantly to attacks on his life, facing loud threats of impris- 
onment, Coligny did not cease, after the unfortunate battle of Dreux, to 
negotiate, knowing that he was not fighting against king or government, 
but only for liberty of conscience. When besieging Chartres he received 
the news that his wife lay in the last agony. He hastened to her with 
skilled physicians. But science could do nothing. The valiant woman 
died March 7, 1568, leaving her husband in deepest sorrow. The fatal 
illness of Charlotte de Laval came from her nursing the soldiers in the 
hospital of Orleans. Upon his return to Chatillon, Coligny was obliged, 
with Conde, to take refuge in Rochelle. After the fatal battle of Jarnac, 
in the expectation of being cut to pieces with his German allies, he made 
his last will, which recently has been discovered and published. He 
makes confession in clearest language of his religion, and gives directions 
for the education of his children. 

Ever sacrificing himself to his negotiations with an unprincipled court, 
ever formidable in battle, he wearies neither of fighting nor of negotiat- 
ing. He addresses the most touching letters to the king, to urge upon 
him to set a limit to the sufferings of his Huguenot subjects. For even 
during the time when a truce was ordered, and deceptive promises of peace 
were made to the unhappy Protestants, the various courts kindled martyr 
fires in all the French cities. 

At last (September 13, 1569), Coligny was outlawed by a parliament- 
ary decree ; a reward of fifty thousand dollars was offered for him, living 
or dead. The admiral had achieved wonders of valor and skill in a siege 
of Poitiers, then the largest city of France after Paris, but to no pur- 
pose. Once more advancing to battle, he was carried away from the 
field of Assais half-dead. Borne along on his litter, a nobleman, named 
L'Estrasge, was carried by his side. Bowing to Coligny, he greeted him, 
saying, " Indeed, God is very sweet." They were touching words to the 
admiral, and witnessed the piety animating those undaunted warriors. 

We now approach the catastrophe which brought the life of Coligny 
to its well-known termination. When hardly recovered from a severe 
illness (at St. Etienne, 1570), the admiral marched upon Paris, and with 
varying success and disaster, ending in success, threatened the capital. 


Catherine de' Medici and the Guises, who were arrogant after victory 
At last wins aDC ' feeble after reverses, concluded peace (August 8, 1570), 
P eace - against the opposition of the papal and the Spanish am- 

bassadors. Coligny, distrusting the queen-mother, withdrew to Rochelle, 
and attended the seventh national synod, presided over by Theodore Beza 
(April 2 to 11, 1571). Soon after, following his old maxim, "Better for 
a man to die once than to be always anxious about preserving his life," 
he decided, in his weariness of civil war, to go to Paris. In this he was 
deluded more by his own magnanimous spirit than by the cunning of 
Catherine. Pier son, Charles Ninth, was young, but sufficiently knowing 
to be a hypocrite. He called Coligny his father, embraced him, and swore 
that he would follow his counsel. He said, with Satan-like cordiality, 
" We hold you now. You shall not leave us again at your pleasure." He 
counseled with Coligny respecting a proposed campaign in Flanders. 

August 22d, the admiral, on his way home, after a summons to the 
Louvre, was shot by Maurevel, one bullet shattering the forefinger of 
his right hand, another his left elbow. Inflammation rapidly seized the 
wounds, which were poisoned by the oxidized copper bullets. The emi- 
nent surgeon, Ambroise Pare, cut off the injured finger. But from the 
inferior instruments at his command he was forced thrice to begin anew. 
The spectators, Henry of Navarre, the prince of Conde, and Laroche- 
foucault, wept at the sight. Coligny, entirely composed, remarked, " Why 
do ye weep for me, my friends ? I reckon myself happy to have received 
these wounds in the cause of God." He then turned to, the preacher 
Merlin, and said, " Let us pray our Lord God that He grant us the gift 
of endurance." As the good minister prayed, the hero poured his heart 
out before God, dedicated himself to Him, and declared that for God he 
was ready to live as also to die. He then whispered in the ear of one of 
his attendants that he should give Merlin a hundred dollars for the aid 
of the poor of Paris. The king, Charles Ninth, coming in, greeted him, 
saying, " My dear father, the hurt is yours, but the enduring grief is 
mine." With fearful oaths he swore that he would revenge this cow- 
ardly assassination. For an answer, Coligny contented himself with giv- 
ing some advice respecting the campaign against Flanders. Not many 
hours after, this king had given the signal for the massacre of St. Bar- 
tholomew's (August 24, 1572). 

The victims of this night were as noble and saintly as the executioners 
were dastardly and cruel. A little before daybreak, the admiral was 
wakened by the alarm bell and the noise of Guise's cavalry. He bade 
Merlin join with him in prayer. He then commanded his people to take 
flight, saying he had long been ready to die. One of the assassins had 
already demanded admission in the king's name, and entered the palace. 
The guards had been struck down. The chamber door was broken open. 
Before the great man who sat there, wan and majestic, the murderer, 


Behme, was awed as if lie had beheld a spirit. " Young man," Coligny 

said, " thou assaultest an old man and a wounded Thou thyself, 

however, canst not shorten my days." Behme plunged the Fails in the mas- 
bar with which he had broken the door into the body of sacre - 
the admiral. The gray-haired nobleman fell, murmuring that he was not 
slain as became a man. His head was struck by his assassins with re- 
peated blows. Then hearing the voice of the duke of Guise, sitting upon 
his horse in the street, " Behme, hast done ? " they threw the body of 
Coligny out of the window. Guise and the duke of Angouleme at once 
recognized him, when the blood had been wiped off his features. They 
took their leave, after kicking the corpse in the face. The head was cut 
off, embalmed, and sent to Rome ; the trunk was dragged in blood and 
filth through the streets of Paris. A few years afterwards the body of 
this same duke of Guise was trodden under foot by Henry Third. Co- 
ligny's son was met by Catherine de' Medici in the galleries of the Lou- 
vre, and as, amazed at his growth, she cried, " How thou resemblest thy 
father! " the young Chatillon replied, " God grant me that blessing !" 

It may be asked why, with men like Coligny, France was not won for 
the Reformation. Several influences may be named which gave Roman- 
ism the victory. We may recount as playing a part the defeats of the 
Protestant armies, the faithlessness of Catherine de' Medici, the ambition 
of the house of Lorraine, the plots of Spain and Rome. But the chief 
reason is to be sought in the slightly religious feeling of the French, and 
their leveling, democratic tendencies. The French spirit is better rep- 
resented by Rabelais and Montaigne than by John Calvin. The Hugue- 
nots were unpopular from their chaste and devout lives. France loves 
the mass, which involves no obligation, above Calvinistic exhortations to 
repentance, which smite her faults and frivolities. Moreover, the nation 
was bent on centralization and social homogeneity. Louis Eleventh, 
Richelieu, Mazarin, Louis Fourteenth, and Napoleon secured these ob- 
jects. The Reformation, appealing to the individual conscience, is, on the 
other hand, the champion of liberty, opposing the false uniformity which 
imjjlies slavery. As we look at events thus, we see that the French Rev- 
olution, which, in God's providence, revenged the Huguenots upon the 
princes and priests, stained with their blood, is anything but a result of 
the Reformation. Protestantism in France fell with a class of nobles 
of which Coligny was, and still is, the glorious representative. Had it 
remained pervaded by a pure and living faith, it had been the strong bul- 
wark of a limited monarchy, of a freedom based upon a division of au- 
thority, of a religion active and spiritual. Either too early or too late 
did the voice of the reformers seek to awake the conscience of the nation 
of the holy Louis again to life. — L. R. 



A. D. 1510-A. D. 1575. LAICAL LEADER, ITALY. 

Italy, the beautiful, the blessed, sung so often by poets, was once 
favored with a glad spring-time in religion. Italy was not wholly un- 
touched by the life-giving Reformation. 1 

We turn our eyes from the general view of the work of Reformation in 
Italy to one of the small Italian courts, which perhaps above any other 
spot in the peninsula was a refuge for the reformed who suffered for 
their Christian faith. In this court dwelt a noble woman who is to be 
remembered by us as a brave friend and defender of the gospel. Renata, 
or Renee, was the daughter of the French king Louis Twelfth and of 
Anna of Brittany. She was born October 25, 1510, at the castle of 
Blois, where three years afterward her mother died. She was educated in 
a way according with her lofty position. There may be something over- 
drawn in the stories told by authors concerning her profound and varied 
learning. The fact of her inclination to intellectual culture remains, and 
is all the nobler in that back of it lay the loftier treasure of a pious, virtuous 
character. The princess's hand was early sought by noble wooers. She 

1 The salutation sent from those " of Italy " by the writer nf the epistle to the Hebrews 
testifies that not in Rome only, but in other parts of Italy, the gospel took root very early. 
When afterwards the Roman bishops tried to extend their rule, and mostly at the expense 
of other churches, which historically were of equal authority, there were not wanting some 
who opposed the attempt, with Christian frankness, and tried to remain independent of Rome. 
Thus especially the Milan church, of which the great Ambrose was at one time bishop, kept 
its independence with respect to the mode of public worship. In like manner, when image 
worship, relic worship, and pilgrimages' prevailed in the west, a bishop in Italy, Claudius of 
Turin, eloquently opposed these abuses, and that with the Bible in his hand. Even if the 
Waldensians, the precursors of the Reformation, are not to be traced back to this Claudius 
and the valleys of his diocese, as was long supposed, it is certain that those pious people, 
who as "poor men of Lyons " suffered persecution in the twelfth century, established them- 
selves chiefly in Lombardy and upper Italy. In the same way, we find among the stoutest 
opposers oi the papacy in the Middle Ages Arnold of Brescia, whose republican ideas found 
manv adherents even in Rome, but led to measures which went beyond Christian limits, 
not to name the Cathari, "the Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit," the "Spirifcuales," 
" Fratricelli," and other sects which disturbed the south of Europe. Very diverse elements 
were mixed together which needed to be separated by a clearer knowledge of Christian lib- 
erty. Though the light of science by itself cannot effect this separation, but only spiritual 
enlightenment, which comes from the Bible and leads men's minds into away well pleasing 
to God, still the revival of learning, to which even some of the popes contributed, prepared the 
way for the revival of Christianity. Thus it came to pass that after the Middle Ages had 
fulfilled their task and exhausted their powers, Italy became the country to lead in a 
new era of culture, rising from the study of the ancient classics, and known generally by 
the loud-sounding name of the " revival" of learning." Even before the fall of the Byzan- 
tine empire and the capture of Constantinople by the Turks (1453), which by means of 
Greek fugitives spread in the west a more correct"knowledge of the old Greek writers, art 
and science had been well fostered in Italy. Who has m.t heard of Dante, Boccaccio, and 
Petrarch? Hid nut the learned Laurenti us Valla, before 1450, to use the words of Erasmus, 
" evoke ancient literature from its grave, and restore Italian eloquence to its'pristine glory " ? 
Nor was this all. 'I'lu- same scholar attacked with keen criticism the " Donation of Con- 
stantine," by which the popes claimed their worldly domain, ami opposed, in spite of perse- 
cutions, many of the prejudices ami abuses of his generation. It is enough to suggest the 
names of Marsilius Ficinus, John Francis Pico, count Mirandola, whose writings were 
studied by Zwingle, all of whom promoted philosophic study among Italian scholars, and the 


was betrothed when very young to Charles of Austria, afterwards Charles 
Fifth, the emperor ; but the relation was broken off. A contemplated 
union with Joachim, the Protestant elector of Brandenburg, was also not 
effected. Instead, Renata was wedded (1527) to an Italian prince, Her- 
cules of Este, duke of Ferrara and Modena. Even before IIer re f ormed 
her marriage she had become possessed of reformed ideas faith - 
through the scholars who frequented the court of the renowned Margue- 
rite of Navarre, sister of Francis First. Renata welcomed their doctrines, 
and sought to make entrance for them in her new home. Her husband, 
who neither in intellect nor in morals f)roved himself worthy of such a 
wife, indulged her in this as long as political considerations permitted. 
Hence her countrymen who fled from France for the sake of their religion 
found a refuge in the court of the duchess. We find (1534) among them 
the renowned poet Clement Marot, to whom the French church owes her 
poetic version of the Psalms of David. He was introduced to the duch- 
ess and made her secretary through Renata's governess, Madame von 
Soubise. Along with him came his friend, Lyon Jamet. John Calvin, 
too, when an exile, stayed several mouths at the court of 
Ferrara under the assumed name of Charles d' Heppeville. 
In after days Renata maintained a correspondence with this great and 
renowned man. Italian scholars, also, who favored the Reformation 
found friendly reception in Ferrara, and were protected as scholars. 1 

devoted, almost fanatically enthusiastic Dominican, Girolamo Savonarola, in Florence, the 
preacher of repentance, proclaiming the terrors of divine justice with the authority and influ- 
ence of an ancient prophet. Italy and Germany had long affected each other, as seen in the 
political history of the Middle Ages, the wars of the Guelfs and the Ghibellines, the journeys 
to Rome by the German emperors, the crusades, and the great church courts of Pisa, Con- 
stance, and Basel. Accordingly, the newly awakened intellectual life of Italy sent its bright 
gleam over the Alps. On the other hand, the uprising of Germans against corruptions com- 
ing from Italy could not but be felt by the latter country. At first the strange rumors about the 
bold step of the Augustine monk at Wittenberg would be carried abroad. Soon the opinions 
of scholars upon the affair and upon the tendency of the German Reformation began to ap- 
pear. The writings of Luther, Melancthon, Zwingle, and others found their way to Italy, 
though under changed titles, to say nothing of the personal intercourse between Italy and the 
parts of Switzerland stirred by religious excitement. There was soon no large Italian city 
that did not have friends and followers of the gospel, who were also influencing the people. 
Thus, Antonio Brucioli, at Florence, circulated the Bible in the popular tongue. Giovanni 
Mollio, a Minorite monk, preached at Bologna. Celio Secundo Ourione, the teacher at 
Favia, was surrounded by students thirsting for instruction and salvation. The new re- 
formed doctrine, which was in part the old doctrine, reached even Naples and Sicily. In 
Naples, the noble Spaniard Juan Valdez led the disciples to whom Bernardino Ochino and 
Peter Martyr Vermigli preached God's Word. In Palermo, Sicily, we find the preacher, 
Benedetti Locarno. In the little district of Lucca, on the Gulf of Genoa, whither Peter 
Martyr came from Naples, gathered a considerable company who were led by him to a 
clearer knowledge of religion. That Italian Protestantism was more than the denial of old 
traditions and authority, and that it established the foundations of a positive belief, is 
clearly seen in the brie,f but solid volume which was published in Venice in 1542, entitled 
The Benefits of Christ, written, as is believed, by Aonio Paleario, of Siena. How clearly 
and scripturally, and therefore convincingly, the doctrine of justification through faith is set 
forth in it may be found by our readers for themselves, for unexpectedly this work, which 
it was supposed had been utterly destroyed by the Inquisition, has been rediscovered, and 
has been translated into German and Italian by a German theologian. 

1 Among those who became ornaments to her court were Celio Calcaguini and Celio 
Secundo Curione, named before, Lelio Giraldi, Bartolomeo Riccio, Maucelli Palingenio, 
Marco Antonio Flaminio, C. Kilian and John Sinapi, and Fulvio Peregrino Morato, a na- 
tive of Mantua, father of the afterwards noted Olympia Mo rata, who studied under her 
father in the company of Renata's daughter Anna, afterwards wife of Francis of Guise. 


They abode undisturbed even when the duke, to please the pope and the 
emperor, had expelled the French exiles, to the sorrow of the duchess. 

In that day it was not very uncommon for women to learn Greek 
and Latin literature and poetry, and to represent the classic dramas. 
During a visit of Paul Third (1543) at Ferrara, the youth of the court, 
with three daughters of the duke, presented the " Brothers " of Terence. 
The mother, Renata, gave attention to scholarly works, especially philol- 
ogy and history. Her study of ancient languages and history undoubt- 
edly bore fruit in giving her a more exact knowledge of Bible doctrine 
and history. How far the Christian scholars of Ferrara confessed their 
reformed faith, or expressed it in sermons or public worship, history 
fails to tell. Their religious convictions were of varying degrees : some 
merely sympathized with reform ; others showed a decided and intelligent 
faith. The chief man of the court, the duke himself, was not only not in 
sympathy with his wife, but consented too readily to suggestions and ef- 
forts from France intended to check the spread of reform in Italy. Re- 
nata's nephew, king Henry Second of France, sent his chief inquisitor, 
the Dominican Matthias Orriz, to Ferrara to preach against heresy and 
to move the duke to persecute the Protestants residing at his court. 
Even Renata was to be forced to listen to the fanatic monk's arguments. 
It was in vain. She was true to her faith, even though her cruel foes 
went so far as to take away her children and kept her in close imprison- 
ment. Her husband dying, Renata went back to France, and lived 
Her noble (1559) at her castle of Montargis, near Orleans. She ceased 

bounty. no t to befriend and protect her persecuted brethren in the 

faith. She often fed a hundred of them at her table. This exercise of 
hospitality was also forbidden her. Popish courtiers told the French 
king that a plot was forming against him at Montargis. Renata was or- 
dered to send away her guests. Her own son-in-law, the duke of Guise, 
appeared one day before the castle, and threatened to cannonade it un- 
less she delivered over the " rebels." " Tell your master," she said to 
the duke's agents, " that I myself will mount the battlements, and will see 
whether he will dare to slay a king's daughter." Guise soon after met a 
sad death at the hands of a fanatic Protestant nobleman, Poltrot, who 
shot him from an ambush with a poisonous bullet, after the battle of 
Dreux (1563). The duchess, in a letter to Calvin, expressed her abhor- 
rence of the deed. She hoped that her unhappy son-in-law, in spite of 
his blind opposition to the gospel, was not one of the reprobate. This 
hope she uttered frankly, not fearing to be counted lacking in zeal by her 
fellows. Receiving a direct order from the king to dismiss her guests, 
the duchess in vain remonstrated against this encroachment upon her 
rights in her own house. She was compelled to yield to violence. In 
bidding her guests farewell she gave them the most touching proofs of 
her regard, striving to her utmost ability to alleviate the hardship of 


their lot. She placed her carriages and horses at their disposal, and made 
all possible provision for their future. She remained herself true to her 
evangelical convictions to her blessed end. This came in Montargis, 
June 12, 1575. 

We cannot close without noting that in the days of trial in the six- 
teenth century, as in the earlier centuries of Christianity, it was granted 
to women especially to confess their holy convictions, even amid the ut- 
most perils, with a heroic courage which rose above the weakness of their 
sex. Italy affords more than one example of this, as do other countries 
also. The devotion shown by women of that day to theology, their man- 
like perseverance in its study, without any attempt to appear learned, fill 
us with amazement. "We have a testimony upon this point from a Roman- 
ist eye-witness of that century, who wrote the following concerning the 
ladies of Italy : " In the present age we have the remark- Christ i a n ladies 
able spectacle of women, whose minds usually are given to of Italy - 
frivolity rather than learning, fully imbued with heavenly lessons. In 
Campania, where I dwell, the most learned of preachers may grow more 
learned and devout by conversation with ladies. In my native Mantua 
I have found the same. I could gladly dwell on many examples of intel- 
lectual greatness and hearty devotion among women, which I witnessed 
to my great edification, and which I have hardly seen in the most learned 
men of my class." How changed is Italy now ! Yet in these last years 
amazing events have occurred, which lead us to believe in a quiet move- 
ment of hearts. Surely, the fruit will be seen when the Word of God 
shall have obtained a free course. To Italy, the land so afflicted, true 
peace can come only by the means of which the greatest of her poets has 
sung : — 

" Christ did not to his first disciples say, 

' Go forth, and to the world preach idle tales,' 

But unto them a true foundation gave ; 
And this so loudly sounded from their lips, 

That, in the warfare to enkindle Faith, 

They made of the Evangel shields and lances." 

Longfellow's Dante, Paradiso, sxix. 109-114. 

K. R. H. 

A. D. 1500 ?-A. D. 1570. LAICAL LEADER, ITALY. 

Aonius Palearius Vertjlanus was born about 1500, in the little 
city of Veroli (the ancient Veruli of the Hernici), a little way from 
Rome. His real name was originally Antonio degli Pagliari. This he 
Latinized, after the fashion then prevailing among the friends of clas- 
sic learning. ' But instead of Antonius as a first name, the youth took 
Aonius, to mark his respect for the Muses, whose dwelling, according to 


Greek tradition, was at the foot of the Aonian mount, by the fountain 
of Aganippe, in Bceotia. Nor was this change of name idle play. It 
meant adherence to a party which by reviving ancient knowledge would 
transform its generation. This party had two divisions, with nothing in 
common save opposition to the old leaven of worn-out scholasticism. In 
every other respect they went different roads, in pursuit of opposite ends. 
The reckless spirits resigned themselves to the licentiousness and unbelief 
which, in the corrupt ages of Greece and Rome, had taken a bright garb 
of poesy to conceal their infamy, and like wanton hussies had led youth 
astray. Thoughtful spirits, on the other hand, were fashioning themselves 
upon the noble models of classic ages. They also devoted themselves, in 
many instances, to the zealous study of the Bible, seeking in that fountain 
the source of the divine life. Among these thoughtful spirits ranked 
— to use the most common form of his name — Aonio Paleario. 

In early youth Paleario lost his parents and his three sisters. Their 
names have come down to us only through an inscription which he 
prepared in their honor, after some rough fellows of Veroli had de- 
faced his mother's sepulchre. The inscription, which is in Latin, reads 
thus : " To his best parents Matthaeus Palearius and Clara Janarilla, 
and his excellent sisters Elisa, Francisca, and Janilla, Aonius Palearius, 
far away from his home, erected this memorial." A family friend, John 
Marcellus, to whom Paleario left his house in Veroli, and the bishop of 
the city, Ennius Philonardus, a life-long friend of the youth, interested 
themselves in his education. But soon the advantages afforded by his 
native city, a place of little repute, failed to meet the boy's desire for 
studies m knowledge. He went to Rome (1521), and for six years 

Rome - devoted himself zealously to the study of philosophy. He 

included under this head every study which helped train his mind, es- 
pecially the Greek and Latin classics, Aristotle, Cicero, and other 
thoughtful authors. He chose among classic poets those of graver char- 
acter, especially Lucretius. He rejected his notion of the eternal course 
of nature, but in later years imitated his mode of writing in a didactic 
poem upon the immortality of the soul. To what extent our student 
made himself acquainted, while at Rome, with the Greek New Testament 
or the discoveries of the Swiss and German reformers is not known. 
He would only whisper what he knew of such things to his trusted 
friends, for it was dangerous to speak of them openly. Several of his 
patrons and friends were deeply interested not only in classic studies, but 
in thorough Bible Christianity. An unwelcome interruption came, how- 
ever, to his scholarly pursuits. On May 6, 1527, Rome was taken by 
the Spanish and German troops of Charles Fifth, the city and its sub- 
urbs sacked and laid waste, while pope Clement Seventh fled to En- 
gelsburg. The land was visited by famine and pestilence, the attendants 
of war, and Veroli did not escape. Paleario's labors were hindered, his 

Cent. XVI.] A 0N10 PALEARIO. 373 

means of support dried up. He found no home either in Rome or in 
his own city. He had formed acquaintance with many men of the 
wealthy and cultured classes, the way having been prepared by his 
marked talents and their similarity of tastes. But now he was in a 
depressed state, for he had neither position, family, nor means of support. 
He did not accord with the leaders of his own school of thought. The 
powerful supporters of the opposite school were his enemies. He passed 
two years in serious disquiet. Finally he resolved to quit Rome for- 
ever. He would have liked, had the means been at his command, to 
remove into France and Germany, for he felt the ground beneath him 
sinking. His letters at this period declare an unrest and dissatisfac- 
tion of heart, the reason of which he does not unfold. He was possi- 
bly less reserved in conversation. His position is plain, if we grant 
that already he was acquainted with the writings of the German reform- 
ers, as well as of the older church fathers, Origen, Chrysostom, Augus- 
tine, Jerome, and others, and was at variance with the Romish system 
through acquaintance with evangelic truth. Though distant from the 
scenes where the great religious conflict was then waged, he nourished 
the same hopes which dwelt in Luther when (1520) he addressed his 
letter to Charles Fifth and the German nobility. Paleario indulged the 
imaginative thought that he might win the favor of the emperor and 
of his brother, king Ferdinand, by his literary endeavors. He perhaps 
thus expected to open a way for himself into Germany. Thus thinking, 
doubtless, he composed his Latin poem on the immortality of the soul, 
dedicating it to king Ferdinand, and taking useless pains to put it into 
his hands. Still by his poem Paleario won the regard of James Sadolet, 
the noble bishop of Carpentras, who procured its printing at Lyons 
(1536), bestowing great praise iqjon its author. Sadolet was one of the 
new school, and was even reputed to be inclined to Protestantism. His 
aid being needed by pope Paul Third, he was made a cardinal (1536). 
There was a gentler party at the papal court under this pope. It held 
many evangelical notions, especially regarding the Epistle to the Romans 
and the doctrine of justification through faith. But after the conference 
at Worms and Regensburg (1541), a schism entered the party, and an 
ultra church spirit, which at last carried the day. A bull was published 
(July 21, 1542) which established an inquisition to suppress in Italy all 
Protestant tendencies. Paleario even thus early was forced to endure 
troubles. He could not refrain from attacking sin in his 

° t His great work. 

pathway and confessing his belief by tongue and pen. Still 
his most weighty production, whose discovery has nobly renewed his 
memory in our day, was printed without his name, and only of late has 
become known as his. This work is the treatise in Italian on " The 
Benefits of Christ to Christians." It is a little book which so clearly and 
symmetrically, so ardently and scripturally, sets forth the doctrine of sal- 


vation that it deserves to be in every Christian's hands, not as a notable 
memorial of the past, only, but as a means of edification to-day. This 
tract, it seems, reached the hands of cardinal Reginald Pole, was ap- 
proved by him, and went through several other hands before publication. 
It was first printed in Venice in 1542, and published under date of 1543. 
A German translation in 1855 has in its preface the following from an 
evangelical doctor of theology (Dr. Tischendorf, of Leipzig) : " This book 
was as small in size as great in spirit. It appeared anonymously, with 
no great name recommending it. It bore, too, a very simple title. But 
it at once found a way through its own fatherland and across its bounda- 
ries. Its influence was so powerful that it was as zealously read and 
circulated by the friends of Truth, as it was hunted, proscribed, and ob- 
literated by her enemies. Six years after its appearance, as testified by 
one Paul Vergerius, under whose eyes the book won its triumphs and 
endured its conflicts, there were forty thousand copies printed and sold in 
Venice alone. Venice was rivaled, too, in this by other cities, especially 
by Modena, under the impulse of Morone, cardinal-bishop of Modena. 
Moreover, within these six years other lands, and especially France, ap- 
propriated the book by means of translations." The foe sought at once 
(1544), by a book in reply, to weaken the force of the treatise. They 
found soon that they could avail nothing against the overwhelming power 
of truth which was here so clearly manifested. They decided, therefore, 
to destroy the book by means of the Inquisition. This was achieved so 
His book redis- completely that all hope was lost, after many a vain effort, 
covered. f ever finding a copy of the treatise. But lo, the news 

came from Cambridge, in 1843, that in the library of St. John's College 
was a copy preserved of the Italian edition of 1543. A new edition 
was issued from it, in Cambridge, in 1855. Thus that witness which 
spoke so powerfully three centuries since in Italy speaks once again to 
the heart of that noble but degenerate people in their own beautiful 

For a sample of the book, let its conclusion suffice : " We have reached 
the close of our reflections, in which our chief end was to extol and mag- 
nify, according to our feeble powers, the surpassing benefit which the 
Christian receives from Jesus Christ, the crucified ; to show, also, that 
faith alone justifies, that is, that God accepts all persons as just who in 
truth believe that Jesus Christ has satisfied for their sins. Yet as the 
light is inseparable from the flame, which alone burns, so good works are 
inseparable from faith, which alone justifies. This most holy doctrine, 
which exalts Jesus Christ as eminently as it debases man's pride, is and 
will be attacked by those Christians who have Judaizing souls. Blessed 
he who, like Paul, will renounce all his own righteousness, and have none 
save the righteousness of Christ, clad in which he can confidently appear 
before God, and receive from Him the blessing and the inheritance of 


heaven and earth, in fellowship with his only begotten Son Jesus Christ, 
our Lord, to whom be glory forever. Amen." 

The imitator of Paul, like him, had here no abiding city. He led a 
wandering life as a roving teacher of Greek and Latin literature, of phi- 
losophy and rhetoric. True, he took Tuscany as a second father-land, and 
with the trifling remains of his patrimony bought a little property, heavily 
mortgaged, however, — the same that was once owned by that Caecina 
whom Cicero defended in one of his orations. It lay near Siena, a day's 
ride from Florence, and within the jurisdiction of the little city of Colle 
di Valdenza. But seldom would its owner enjoy its repose, for he must 
teach to earn his bread. We find him in Siena (1530), in Padua (be- 
tween 1531 and 1536), again in Siena (1536-1544), in Lucca (1545- 
1550), on his estate (1551-1556), in Milan (October 17, 1556-1560, 
or even later) ; then, for some years as it seems, upon his estate, and 
finally in the prisons of the Inquisition. In periods intervening he made 
short sojourns at various places. Many times traces of him are almost 
lost. Cares he had, and conflicts, and in his latter years infirmities. Of 
him could be literally said what is sung by Paul Gerhard : — 

" The saintly praying souls who oft repeat farewell, 
To leave, with heavy doles, the place they love to dwell, — 
They wander to and fro; their heavy cross they bear, 
Till death has brought them low, and earth's repose they share." 

Only it was denied Paleario to share earth's repose. 

By the advice of his fatherly friend Ennius Philonardus, now cardi- 
nal, Paleario, when in his thirty-fourth year, married, and 

.. . ... . . T -t j His private life. 

lived in nappy wedlock, having two sons, .Lanipriaius and 
Phaedrus, and two daughters, Aspasia and Sophonisbe (whom he loved to 
call also Aonilla), who were all grown up at the time of their father's 
death. One of his friends gives us an introduction .to his married life. 
When he was lying sick with fever and sideache, news was brought him 
by his servant that his wife, who was away on his estate, was in child- 
birth, and in dangerous condition. Directly the friend referred to comes 
at full speed, his horse all covered with sweat. Paleario believes he is 
bringing him news of death. His consciousness departs ; he faints, his 
illness overcoming him. 1 His friend, tired with the journey, leaves him to 
pass a sleepless night. When day dawns he arises, and wearily drags 
himself to an upper chamber, where hangs his wife's portrait. There he 
falls at last into a perspiration, and sleeps. The next day there is found 
on his table a paper on which he has written a dirge, with trembling 
hand. It consists of six Latin lines, which may be read as follows : — 

" If Christ, whom thou in life hast served full well, 
My heart did not sustain, I could not live. 
His promise firm that thou shalt rise again 

1 This, it appears, was in 1550. Paleario, having lost his wife at that time, after two 
years contracted a second marriage, by which he also had children. 


Supports with loving power my fainting soul. 

Do thou await till thine Aonius comes 

In haste to join thee there, on heaven's own shore." 

Paleario was in danger of condemnation as a heretic as early as 1543. 
He was induced by his pupils to apply for the headship of the school in 
Siena, on the expiration of the term of a representative of the old order, 
one Machus Blatero. The monks, to prevent his election, conspired to 
send a deputation to Francis Bandini, archbishop of Siena, accusing Pal- 
eario of heresy. The charge was based on his oral teachings and his 
book on the " Benefits of Christ," which already, it seems, had come to 
their notice. The archbishop disregarded his foes. The persecuted es- 
caped, with a warning given him, in presence of the archbishop, by his 
friend James Sadolet, the cardinal legate. Paleario retired to Colle di 
Valdenza, but was there attacked by a mouk, who by preaching strove to 
excite the citizens against him as a heretic. Deeply moved, he wrote 
within two days a defense in Latin, and sent a copy of it to his friend 
Peter Victorius, in Florence, to secure the help of duke Cosmo. He also 
gave his accuser a copy. His effort obtained from the monk a promise to be 
His defense of silent. The defense of Paleario, which is addressed to the 
his faith. Siena council in the form of a charge of slander, contains 

very remarkable expressions. He says that there are those nowadays 
who cannot bear that Christ, the author and God of our salvation, Christ 
the king of the Gentiles and of all nations, should be loudly extolled ! 
" For when this very year I wrote to this end in the Italian tongue, tell- 
ing what benefits were secured to men through his death, it is framed 
into a criminal charge against me. Horrible ! I had declared that when 
He, who is very God, had so lovingly poured forth his life's blood for 
our salvation, we should not have doubts of God's grace, but might assure 
ourselves of perfect peace and rest. I showed by the most ancient and 
trusty witnesses that we are saved from all evil, and that guilt is utterly 
blotted out in all who turn with whole heart to the crucified Christ, who 
believingly commit themselves to his faithfulness, repose in his promises, 
and depend hopefully upon Him who cannot disappoint them. For this," 
he continues, " they would cast me into the flames. But if I am to 
suffer for this testimony, — for I hold it for a testimony, and not a mere 
literary production, — I count myself happy. For nowadays a Christian 
may hardly dare die in his bed. To be accused and imprisoned is noth- 
ing. We must give ourselves to be scourged, crucified, inclosed in nets, 
thrown to wild beasts, burned in the fire, if it be needed by such pangs 
to publish the truth. Save for the hope of a general council, where 
popes, princes, and emperors will unite in good and holy plans, and where 
all classes and nations will take a part, we would be forced to doubt 
whether the present distress would ever end, or whether the dagger drawn 
against every writer would ever *be wrested from the hands that on the 
slightest pretext will plunge it into our hearts." 


Paleario thought of a general council as a grand sacred tribunal, 
where, before the nations, Christ's cause and God's Word would appear 
against the errors and abuses of popery. He had even prepared for it 
in secret articles of indictment in the Latin, and intrusted these to faith- 
ful friends to send them to the " leaders of the Swiss and German 
churches," that they might use them before a free council, if he were dead. 
Throughout the composition is heard a tone of conscientious conviction, — 
yes, and of truth. Twenty witnesses are brought forward who hold by 
the Scriptures and oppose truth to falsehood. These twenty witnesses are 
heard at length in as many chapters, and their testimony confirmed. It 
is a probable conjecture that by means of Bernard Ochino, a native of 
Siena, Paleario established intercourse with the Swiss and South Ger- 
man theologians (1542). But his indictment found no employment, and 
was first in 1596, in Siena, taken from the dust in which it lay hid, and 
printed in 1606 at Leipzig. The letters which he frequently addressed 
to Swiss and German reformers appear to have remained unanswered. 
His work on the " Benefits of Christ " seems to have been first placed 
under suspicion by John Matthew Giberti, bishop of Verona, one who was 
regarded as a model bishop by Charles Borromseus, the famous archbishop 
of Milan, but who yet was so confirmed in his legal high church views 
as to hate like a deadly poison the pure apostolic truth of justification by 
faith alone. Like him in spirit was Michael Ghislieri, who became pope 
in 1566, under the name of Pius Fifth. By the latter the Inquisition 
was whetted, and Paleario hunted out after he had passed several years 
in rest and quiet. He was dragged before the court on ac- 
count of his declarations in his defense of himself in 1543. 
A popish historian recites four grounds of accusation : (1.) He denied 
purgatory. (2.) He disapproved of interments in churches. (3.) He re- 
viled the monks. (4.) He grounded justification wholly on faith in God's 
mercy in Christ. 1 

From various scattered accounts we gather the following as to the 
martyr death of Paleario. He was arrested and brought to examina- 
tion in Milan by the inquisitor-general Fra Angelo di Cremona, a Do- 
minican. He was then, by order of Pius Fifth, taken to Rome (1568) 
and confined in the prison of Torre di Nona. In vain they attempted to 
make him recant. In one interview he at last indignantly cried : " Well, 
if your excellencies have so many stout witnesses against me, produce 
them and give me no more trouble. I am resolved to follow the Apostle 
Peter, who said, ' Christ also suffered for us, leaving us an example, that 
ye should follow his steps : who did no sin, neither was guile found in his 
mouth : who, when He was reviled, reviled not again ; when He suffered, 
He threatened not, but committed himself to Him that judgeth right- 

1 In a compendium of the Inquisition, composed by Caracciolo, under Paul Fourth, and 
extant in manuscript, The Benefits of Christ is ascribed to a monk of San Severino, in 
Naples, a pupil of the renowned confessor Baldez. This must pass for a blunder. 


eously.' Therefore judge and sentence Aonius! You will thus satisfy 
my calumniators and your own official obligations." 

His death some have erroneously recorded as upon the 5 th of October, 
1568. He was in reality kept languishing in prison nearly two years, in 
the expectation that he would recant. He was at last put to death by 
strangling, on the 3d of July, 1570 ; his body was afterwards burned. A 
sure witness of this is a record of the Brothers of Mercy, discovered and 
printed in 1745, but not well understood till recently. As early as 1488, 
the Florentines in Rome (under Innocent Eighth) established a brother- 
hood under the patronage of John Baptist the Beheaded, to give help to 
condemned criminals. The evening before a condemned man's execu- 
tion, these brethren go and stay all night with him, trying to lead him to 
a confession ; they move him to make disposal of his property, strengthen- 
ing him through the love of God to bear suffering and death with pa- 
tience ; placing before him the fearful sufferings and shameful death of the 
innocent Jesus Christ. They give him the crucifix to kiss, and go with 
him to the very last moment of life. These brethren of mercy came to 
Authentic ac- Paleario the last night, and their loving service was gladly 
count of his end. accepted by him. Respecting this they have recorded in 
the shape of a formal report as follows : — 

"Monday, July 3, 1570. Our society was called to Tordiuona j)rison 
in the night between Sunday and Monday, July 3, 1570, and there was 
given into our hands, after condemnation in the course of justice by the 
servants of the Holy Inquisition, Signor Aonius Palearius, of Veruli, 
resident of Colle di Valdenza, who made confession, and prayed God and 
his glorious mother the Virgin Mary and the court of heaven for for- 
giveness, and said he would die as a good Christian and believe all that 
the holy Roman church believed. He made no will, but gave us two 
letters he had written, which are copied below, praying that we send 
them to his widow and his sons at Colle di Valdenza." 

To this report a literal copy of the letters is attached. Paleario was 
of course able, without unfaithfulness to his evangelic confession, to suf- 
fer the Brothers of Mercy to testify in their formal way that he would 
die as a good Christian, and believed what the true holy Roman church 
believed, of which Ambrose and Augustine were members. We must 
not withhold from our readers the two letters. From them it appears 
that by a second wife, named Marietta, he had two sons and a little 
daughter ; and that his sons by his first marriage for eighteen years, or 
since his second marriage, had enjoyed their mother's estate. Of more 
importance, however, is the devout, peaceful spirit of trust, with which 
the old man of seventy joyously goes to death. 

The first letter to his wife Marietta reads as follows : — 

" My dearest Wife, — I would not that what well pleases me should 
ill please thee, and that what I deem good thou shouldst deem evil. The 


hour is come when I am to go out of this life to my Lord, my Father, 
and my God. I go joyously, as to the wedding of the Son of the great 
King, even as I have ever prayed my Lord that He would vouchsafe me 
through his infinite goodness and condescension. Then, dearest com- 
panion, find comfort in the will of God and in my contentment. Take 
care of our affrighted little family, which I leave with you. Train and 
watch over them in the fear of God ; be to them both father and mother. 
I am already past sixty years, and of little service. My sons must strive 
with all virtue and toil to attain to honorable lives. God the Father 
and our Lord Jesus Christ and the communion of the Holy Ghost be 
with your spirits. Thine husband, Aonius Palearius. 

" Rome, July 3, 1570." 

To the two grown-up sons of his first marriage he writes : — 

" Lampridius and Ptledrus, my dearest Sons, — My most kind 
masters (the Brotherhood of St. John) who are unceasing in their good- 
ness towards me, permit me to write to you also. It pleases God to call 
me in the way which you will hear, and which you will think bitter and 
severe. But if you consider it rightly, you will be content, since it comes 
to my entire satisfaction and approval, to submit in this to the will of 
God. I leave you, with the little property which you possess, virtue 
and industry as your patrimony. I leave you no debts. Many persons 
often make pretensions and are found in debt. Ye have been free more 
than eighteen years ; ye are not bound for any debts of mine. Should 
any one claim anything, betake yourselves to his excellency the duke [of 
Medici, in Florence ?], who will see justice clone you. Require a state- 
ment of debts and ci-edits from Luca Pridio. Ye have your mother's 
dowry, and ye have your little sister to educate as God may give you 
grace therefor. Salute Aspasia and sister Aouilla, my daughters, greatly 
beloved in the Lord. My hour draws near. The Spirit of God support 
you and keep you in his grace. Your father, Aonius Palearius. 

" Rome, July 3, 1570." 

May our last end be as that of this righteous person. — H. C. S. 



In the year 1503 the English king, Henry the Eighth, wedded the 
princess Catherine of Aragon, daughter of the Spanish king Ferdinand 
and widow of his own brother Arthur. This marriage, entered into ac- 
cording to a " dispensation " of pope Julius Second, had endured eighteen 
years, when the king bestowed his fatal love upon the beautiful Anne 


Boleyn, and began to have doubts about the lawfulness of his marriage 
with his brother's widow. Rome judged it dangerous to annul its own 
" dispensation," and imprudent to divorce Henry from one who was the 
aunt of the emperor, even though the king showered his gold upon the 
cardinals. Henry was in sore trouble. He wanted an adviser who could 
deliver him and help him to his object. He was told by two of his coun- 
selors, Fox and Gardiner, of one Cranmer, professor of theology in Cam- 
bridge, who could give him help if it were in any one's power. Henry 
decided upon following the suggestion. Thus it came about that Cran- 
mer assumed a relation to his king by which he became the reformer 
of the English church, and at last a martyr for the gospel. 

Thomas Cranmer was born July 2, 1489, at Aslacton, in the county 
of Nottingham. Losing his father in his boyhood, he was sent by his 
mother to Cambridge (1503), where he studied the full course (" tri- 
vium " and " quadrivium "), and became a Fellow in Jesus College. He 
interested himself in the new theology of Favre, of Paris (called also 
Faber and Lefevre), and of Erasmus. Upon the news of Luther's ap- 
student of the pearance in Germany, he turned to the study of the Holy 
Blble - Scriptures. He soon after this married (1519), thus los- 

ing his fellowship, but was at once chosen "lector" in Buckingham 
College. Upon the death of his wife and of his infant child, he was 
again put in his place in Jesus College, and in 1523 made a doctor of 
theology. He refused a flattering call to be theological teacher in Ox- 
ford, and was directly chosen theological professor in Cambridge ; he was 
also made university preacher and examiner. His ardent support of the 
authority of Scripture acquired for him, in the mouths of the scholastic 
doctors and the beggar monks, the nickname of " the Scripturist." 

A plague sweeping over Cambridge (1528), Cranmer retired with two 
nephews, to whom he gave a home, to Waltham, in Essex County. There 
he was startled by a visit from the two counselors named above, asking 
his opinion on the subject of the royal divorce. Cranmer replied that 
first it must be settled whether the king's marriage was valid by the 
law of God. If not, no pope could make it valid by any " dispensa- 
tion." Nor could they enter into tedious negotiations with the papacy 
to decide this question. Rather they should gather opinions from the 
most noted universities and other recognized courts of knowledge. If 
these supported the king's opinion, the pope could no longer oppose him- 

The king, when he heard the views of Cranmer, thought they made the 
way plain, and decided to follow them. Cranmer was asked to put them 
in writing. He was then commissioned (1530), along with Sir Thomas 
Boleyn, now the earl of Wiltshire, to go with other plenipotentiaries to 
Rome, to maintain the king's cause. Meanwhile, throughout all Europe 
opinions on the marriage were sought from the universities, the promi- 


nent jurists and theologians, and the great cloisters. At Rome Cranmer 
was well received at the first, and made the pope's " penitentiary " for 
England. But he made no progress in his business, and so came home. 
The beginning of the next year he was intrusted with a mission upon 
the same matter to the theological leaders of the German Reformation, 
and to the court of the emperor. He was affected in his own career by 
this undertaking, for it brought him into personal intercourse with the 
German reformers, and attracted him to their ways of thinking. Besides, 
Cranmer in this way was introduced to a niece of Andrew Osiander, of 
Niirnberg, whom he married not long after. The pope proving obstinate, 
in spite of the many opinions sent to London on the side of the king, 
Henry slowly came round to the resolve that he would emancipate all Eng- 
land from Rome, and thus be independent of the pope in the matter at 
issue. Such a result'was not to be effected by a single stroke. There 
began a succession of measures limiting the authority of the pope in the 
church of England. In the mean time, leaving his first marriage as it 
was, Henry secretly married Anne Boleyn (November 14, 1532). 

Warham, the archbishop of Canterbury, dying (August 23, 1532), the 
king was at once resolved to give the place to none save i s ma de arch- 
Cranmer. The latter shrank from this mark of royal favor, 
for he foresaw that the position would plunge him into strife upon the 
duties owed to church and to state. At last he yielded to the prayers 
and arguments of the counselors of the king. The papal bulls required 
for his confirmation (costing nine hundred ducats) were obtained from 
Rome, and Cranmer was enthroned in the abbey of Westminster (May 
30, 1533). Before taking his oath, he solemnly declared that he consid- 
ered himself bound thereby to nothing that opposed his conscience, the 
prerogatives of the crown, or the laws of England. Some days before, 
Cranmer had declared null the king's marriage with Catherine of Ar- 
agon, and recognized as lawful his union with Anne Boleyn, publicly 
celebrated (without Cranmer's foreknowledge) on the 12th of April. 
On the 1st of June Cranmer, by the king's command, crowned Anne as 
queen. Immediately the pope declared Henry's divorce from Catherine 
and his marriage with Anne to be null, and proclaimed his excommunica- 
tion. By this the king's long-considered resolve was ripened. He abol- 
ished (June 9th) the authority of the pope in England, and England freed 
by the act of supremacy (November 3, 1534) proclaimed fro ™ tbe P°P e - 
himself sole earthly head of the English church. Cranmer at the same 
time renounced his place as legate, and with the king's consent named 
himself primate of England. Henry had now attained his desire. Eng- 
land had a Catholic orthodox church wholly independent of Rome. To 
accomplish anything further, to reform the church according to the Script- 
ures, was not in Henry's mind. But when connection with Rome was 
at an end, English Catholicism was paralyzed. The king was forced, 


in order to confirm his authority, to take steps which he never intended. 
He named as his vicar in the church Thomas Cromwell. But the soul 
of the profound movement which went forward in the English church 
was Cranmer. Yet the gifts of a reformer were certainly wanting in 
him at that period. He rested everything in church and in religion, in his 
own belief and conduct, first upon the royal authority, second upon the 
Holy Scriptures. But only thus was it possible for him, as things then 
were, to advance the reformation of the church at all. The obstacles 
created by the heresy-hating king and the novelty-abhorring clergy were 
hard to be overcome. Cranmer found this, to his grief, when he tried to 
introduce Tyndale's translation of the New Testament into England. 
He failed because the bishops opposed the spread of the Scriptures in the 
language of the people. One thing that he could do was to fill the 
vacant livings with clergy in favor of reform. Cranmer hoped, with 
their aid and with queen Anne, who was decidedly reformed in her way 
of thinking, as his friend with the king, that he might soon inaugurate 
many a reform. Alas, the hope quickly vanished. The king grew tired 
of the wife he had so ardently cherished. He accused her of adultery, 
and Cranmer, though convinced of her innocence, could affirm it in only 
an under-tone. The head of the unfortunate one fell under the axe of 
the executioner (May 19, 1536), and the next day the king wedded Jane 
Seymour, — also, happily, a friend of reformation. Something was yet 
possible. The smaller cloisters in England were abolished in 1536 (and 
in 1537 the larger, throwing their immense properties into the hands of 
the king). The same year a synod met (June 16th) under the presi- 
dency of Cromwell. A creed in ten articles was published by it, con- 
taining, besides many popish conceits, a number of evangelical ideas. 
Cranmer would, in the interests of the gospel, have had many another 
thing inserted. But the articles as they were went too far for the king, 
and were published only after several modifications. To the joy of 
The Bible toier- Cranmer, it was granted that Tyndale's English Bible, re- 
ated - cently brought to completion on the Continent, should be 

freely circulated. This first advance in the way of evangelic reform was 
effected by a compromise which excited at once great trouble. The ex- 
treme Romanists saw in the ten articles a wound to pure church doctrine. 
Armed mobs rose to defend the faith, and had to be put down by the 
sword. For others, the ten articles were by no means sufficiently anti- 
Roman. So it actually came to pass that the king, making his own will 
the law of the church, sent to the scaffold, by turns, those who confessed 
the gospel and those who stood by the pope. Queen Jane dyitig (Octo- 
ber 24, 1537), Cranmer, in the very beginning of his decidedly reforming 
efforts; saw the realization of his hopes and plans removed far into the 
future. By the king's prohibiting (November, 1538) the marriage of 
priests, he was obliged to send his wife back to Germany. He was also 


compelled to break off bis conferences with the Saxon theologians who 
had come, by his invitation, to London. The next year he beheld the 
Parliament, by the king's order, replacing the ten articles by six new 
articles, known as " The Articles of Blood." These established transub- 
stantiation and the withholding of the cup, priestly celibacy and the 
absolute obligation of monastic vows, the retention of masses for souls 
and auricular confession. To dispute transubstautiation, or to hesitate 
in accepting the celibacy of the clergy, was a capital offense. The king's 
Catholic confidants, the duke of Norfolk and the false, spiteful, yet wary 
bishop Gardiner, exulted in their obliging Cromwell, who had led the 
king into his repugnant marriage with Anne of Cleves, to ascend the 
scaffold. They hoped soon to bring Cranmer to the same fate. But be, 
with utmost frankness, went on in his evangelic labors, and yet kept 
the royal confidence. Before a commission, formed by the king at his 
suggestion, to undertake a further revision of the church's doctrine, he 
expressed opinions which evinced his advance in Christian Cranmer : s re _ 
knowledge. " The only proper sacraments are baptism and formed views. 
the Lord's Supper. Rulers are to take care of religious as well as of 
civil affairs, and to exercise spiritual as well as secular power. Clerical 
consecration is expedient, but is not necessary, since it imparts no spir- 
itual gifts. Auricular confession and extreme unction should be abol- 

The Catholic influences around the unprincipled, dissolute despot grew 
stronger when he married (August, 1540) Catherine Howard, niece of 
the duke of Norfolk. But few months, however, had passed, when Cran- 
mer was obliged to disclose to the king the former immoralities of his 
wife, and to dissolve the marriage. The king then entered upon his 
sixth marriage, taking for his wife the Protestant Catherine Parr (July 
7, 1543). Cranmer and his friends hoped for a more quiet and happy 
time of church reform. But the king's Catholic advisers, with the utmost 
rage and malice, opposed every evangelic tendency. They tried, first of 
all, to put out of the way Cranmer, the mortally hated upholder of church 
reform. Their attacks found an insurmountable obstacle in Henry's 
confidence in Cranmer. Induced at one time to issue a warrant of arrest 
against the archbishop for heresy, the king experienced the bitterest re- 
morse over the order, and revoked it. Cranmer's imprisonment did not 
come to pass, but there came a complete arrest of his reforming move- 
ment. The king would hear no more about it. The circulation of the 
Bible in English, authorized a second time in 1542, was confined in 1543 
to the nobility. In 1546 Bible reading was severely prohibited, and all 
heresy made punishable by death. Terror and disorder ruled in the 
kingdom when Henry the Eighth died (January 28, 1547). 

Once more the friends of reform took breath, relieved of the tyrant. 
Cranmer, for the first time, found an opening for genuine reformation. 


The young king Edward, nine years of age, was intrusted to his train- 
ing. The regency, headed by the duke of Somerset, was by a majority 
of its sixteen members inclined to reform. But as before, so now, Cran- 
mer builded his work on the foundation of the royal authority. He not 
only had the gift of his own office renewed to him by the king, but re- 
minded Edward at his coronation (February 20, 1547) that he was called 
of God to rule his church, even as was Josiah. To quicken church re- 
form Cranmer provided for a careful visitation of the entire kingdom, 
which he divided for this purpose into six districts. In this visitation 
the doctrine of the royal headship of the church was proclaimed as the 
corner-stone of the English Reformation. In company with several evan- 
gelical bishops, esjDecially Ridley and Latimer, Cranmer published (July, 
1547) a collection of gospel sermons, known as the " Book of Homilies." 
He provided for the translation into English of the paraphrase of the 
New Testament by Erasmus. He secured the abolition of the six arti- 
cles by Parliament (on November 4, 1547). The cup in the communion 
was restored, while the mass and other Catholic customs were put away. 
The following year he secured the translation of the Niirnberg Catechism 
into English, with hardly an alteration. In accordance with a motion of 
Prepares the n ' s m Parliament the same year, the first draft of the new 
Prayer Book. liturgy, the Book of Common Prayer, was completed by 
Cranmer and others of the bishops and theologians, aided by the old 
English liturgies of Bangor, Herford, Lincoln, York, Salisbury (old 
Sarum), and the reformed order (1543) of the elector Hermann of Co- 
logne. The work was approved by Parliament in January, 1549. All 
this showed how Cranmer had grown in course of years, and had be- 
come decidedly evangelical. His faith was all the while approaching the 
pattern of the reformed confession. For this reason he secured calls to 
England for several reformed theologians from the Continent. Bucer 
and Paul Fagius were called to Cambridge from Strassburg (1549) ; 
Peter Martyr Vermigli to Oxford from Florence ; John Laski took a 
German congregation in the same city ; Bernardino Ochino an Italian 
church in London. Besides these, there came to England Tremellius, 
the Scotch Alexander Alesius, and others. Cranmer secured the offer, 
through Ochino, of a professorship to the noted theologian Musculus, 
without success. He further maintained a spirited correspondence with 
many other prominent theologians of the reformed church, as, for ex- 
ample, with Bullinger. 

Supported by fellowship with so many of the pillars of the church of 
that age, Cranmer rose to the glad thought of securing such a constitu- 
tion for the evangelical church of England as would testify the oneness 
in faith of the evangelical everywhere. He entered into a lively ex 
change of views upon this with the theological leaders of Germany and 
Switzerland, proposing London as the place for their meeting to estab- 


lish such a confession. Crannier's idea was most cordially received by 
Melancthon and Calvin. But soon it proved to be impracticable. Cran- 
mer let it go in order to perfect an evangelic confession for the English 
church by itself. He had already, as a result of his conferences with 
German theologians, put together thirteen articles (cor- Prepareg the 
responding to the first seventeen of the Augsburg Con- forty artlcles - 
fession). With this groundwork, a confession of forty articles, was pre- 
pared under Cranmer's auspices, laid before convocation (May, 1552), 
and approved by the king (not by Parliament). At the same time 
Cranmer undertook a revision of the Book of Common Prayer, with 
help from Bucer and Peter Martyr (by which extreme unction, auricular 
confession, prayers for the dead, and the like were eradicated). The lit- 
urgy in its new form was approved by convocation and published by act 
of Parliament (1552). 

All this was done quickly and with no great difficulty. The external 
organization of the new evangelical church was essentially complete. 
But its future, which depended in part on laws not yet enacted, was in 
doubt as long as the papal party remained influential. The latter was 
for the time kept down, but how very little it had lost in boldness and 
confidence was shown by the conduct of bishop Gardiner. Cast into 
prison on account of his opposition to the new order of worship (1549), 
he thence attacked openly in a fierce pamphlet the view held by Cranmer 
upon the Supper. The archbishop was obliged to justify his belief by 
an equally public reply. The papal party was further favored in the 
overthrow of protector Somerset, who favored the Protestants. Besides, 
the people of England knew and cared all too little about the church's 
reformation. This defect Cranmer sought to cure by sending out travel- 
ing preachers to traverse the land and enlighten the people on the un- 
scripturalness of the papal church and the true nature of the Reforma- 
tion. He further secured the appointment by the king of a commission 
to prepare rules for the church. With Cranmer as its president, the 
work was completed February, 1553, but before it was published or 
ratified king Edward died (July 6, 1553, in his sixteenth year). 

Mary was now queen, the Catholic daughter of Catherine of Aragon. 
The heart of the young queen, who was to be known as " Bloody Mary," 
glowed with one thought, — to lay England at the feet of the pope, having 
exterminated Protestantism. When she had wedded Philip Second of 
Spain, and received cardinal Pole as papal legate, it seemed that the Ref- 
ormation in England might soon be brought to an end by the stake and 
the scaffold. There perished more than three hundred martyrs, and 
among them Thomas Cranmer. 

Directly after Mary's accession he was counseled by his friends to 
save himself by flight. Knowing what good reason there was for their 
anxiety, he thought he was on that very account bound to stay. He 



was aware that the queen hated him, not only as a heretic, but because 
he had forwarded the divorce of Henry from her mother. He was not 
Arrested by surprised, therefore, when he found himself before the 
"Bloody Mary." Star-Chamber (September 14, 1553), and then in London 
Tower. He cleared himself of the charge of high treason, especially, 
by a protest addressed to Mary. He was, however, under indictment for 
heresy, and was kept in prison, confined in the same cell with his most 
cherished friends, bishops Ridley and Latimer. The Tower was over- 
flowing with prisoners. The three comforted one another by prayer and 
the Scriptures. Cranmer was soon called before convocation, and was 
so roughly handled there as to agitate even his enemies. It was thought 
prudent to remove him and his friends to Oxford, where his trial pro- 
ceeded in Mary's Church (April 14th). The bishop, now old, entered 
with staff in hand, full of dignity and majesty. The papal doctrine 
of the Lord's Supper was presented him, and his subscription to it de- 
manded. He returned a decided refusal, and the next day (Sunday) 
presented a refutation of the doctrine. On Monday he appeared to de- 
fend his answer. With rude and scornful laughter his judges and their 
dependents listened to the old man's discourse. He continued his ad- 
dress, part in Latin, part in English, with dignified composure to its close. 
The annoyances proceeded through the days following. Cranmer was 
once and again led before his judges, and along with Ridley and Latimer 
asked to subscribe the articles presented. When they had most ear- 
nestly refused, they were kept in stricter confinement. They languished 
there for eighteen months. Evidently Cranmer's foes were for a time 
undecided what to do with him. Finally they agreed that the judgment 
against this father of all heresy in England must be left to the pope. 
In September, 1555, Latimer and Ridley first, and then Cranmer, to their 
exceeding surprise found themselves before a commission which was 
furnished with full powers from both pope and queen, and were put 
upon their second trial. Cranmer presented his protest against this pro- 
ceeding first to the commission, then in writing to the queen. The pope, 
the enemy of the gospel, could have no jurisdiction over him. The re- 
port of the trial was sent to Rome, and a bull came back after New 
Year's pronouncing Cranmer's degradation and excommunication. The 
sentence was carried out (February 14, 1556). Solemnly, yet amid 
scorn and reproach, his official robes and insignia were first put upon him, 
and then taken away. The excommunication was then declared, to which 
he replied by appealing to the next general council. 

The queen's order, obtained in secret, for the death of Cranmer by 
fire was already prepared. But before its execution the malice of his 
foes purposed his humiliation by enticing him to abjure. To effect this, 
they showed him all possible kindnesses, removing him from jail to im- 
prisonment in a private residence, and surrounding him with every com- 


fort. They thus brought it about that the old man of sixty-seven, wearied 
by his lon<j imprisonment, signed a form of recantation, _. 

•> o i o ' Hjs recantation. 

in which he abjured, as erroneous, the doctrines of the 
Reformation. Scarce had he subscribed this when the command was 
given to commit him to the fire. First, however, he was to repeat his 
recantation publicly. 

For this end he was led into Mary's Church (March 21, 1556), and 
placed on a stage there prepared. In sight of the crowd assembled, the 
bowed old man, bareheaded, fell upon his knees, and weeping bitterly 
clasped his hands in prayer. After a sermon which showed the people 
why such a heretic should die, he was asked to repeat publicly his pro- 
fession of his faith. " I will do so heartily," said the old man. First 
uttering a touching prayer, asking God for sake of Christ's death to for- 
give his many sins, he rose, and with loud, strong voice, to the utter as- 
tonishment of all, retracted everything that he had with evil conscience 
said against the gospel truth, out of a fear of death. For this should 
that right hand of his with which he had committed the sin burn the first 
in the fire. For the pope was antichrist, and his doctrine, empty lies. 
Especially so was the teaching respecting the mass, as he himself in recent 
years had openly shown. Cranmer would have said more, but he was 
interrupted and led away to the stake. Two monks attended him, try- 
ing to move him to retract what he had just said. Calmly refusing, he 
mounted the scaffold and gave himself to be bound to the stake. When 
he saw the first flame darting up, he stretched his right hand into it, 
crying, " This hand has sinned, — this wicked right hand ! " He stood 
in motionless silence o-aziug upward. When the flames 

00 . His tragic end. 

seized him, he was heard to say, " Lord Jesus, receive my 

spirit." Then his form was hid by the flame and ascending smoke. 

Cranmer was a man of unusual gifts. Courteous, benevolent, and lov- 
ing, he unlocked every heart and won it. He was a counselor and father 
of the afflicted and poor. His heart and hand were open. His hospi- 
tality was unbounded. Ministers and scholars from abroad were espe- 
cially made at home in his house at Lambeth. His most conspicuous 
trait, which showed the genuine nobility of his spirit, was his magna- 
nimity. It was a proverb in England that a man must do Cranmer an 
injury in order to obtain his favor. He ever distinguished himself as a 
Christian by his conscientious creed and life. As soon as he saw error in 
a papal doctrine he renounced it. He also strove to cast error out of the 
church. He was led on by the fervor of his spirit to become a reformer. 
At the beginning of his activity he was not separated in his doctrine from 
the papacy. His mind was yet darkened by many a popish error. But ' 
to the upright there ariseth light in the darkness. He grew more and 
more in gospel knowledge, and at last found in the one thing needful the 
corner-stone of his faith and life. Thence he advanced, with earnest, 


noble spirit, till lie became the strong evangelical Christian and the re- 
former of England, whom God honored at the end of life with the mar- 
tyr's crown. — H. H. 


A. D. 1500 ?-A. D. 1555. CLERICAL LEADER, ENGLAND. 

There were leaders in the English Reformation older and abler than 
Nicholas Ridley, more brilliant and influential than was he ; but there 
was not any who surpassed him in purity and sincerity, or whose truth 
and faithfulness shone more brightly than did his, even to his martyr 
death. Ridley was born in Northumberland about the year 1500. He 
acquired the rudiments of a liberal education at Newcastle-on-Tyne. He 
then went to Cambridge University, forming a love for her which lasted 
his life long. He grew in mind and heart so gently and continually that 
no period can be assigned for his spiritual awakening. He was ever an 
able, virtuous, zealous champion of truth, as the truth dawned gradually 
upon his mind. "When a student, taking his pleasure walks in the garden 
of Pembroke College, he learned by heart first Paul's epistles, then the 
whole New Testament, in the original Greek. When confronting death 
he took joy from this, saying that it had been to his advantage his life 
through, and if a goodly part had vanished from his recollection, he still 
trusted he should carry its fragrance with him up to heaven. Complet- 
ing his studies, he went traveling to the universities of Paris and Lou- 
vain. In 1529 he came again to Cambridge. His scholarship and char- 
acter gave him promotions to various university honors and offices. He 
was chaplain (1533), proctor (overseeing the discipline of the students), 
and then public lector. He was a fellow also, and in 1540 was made pres- 
ident of Pembroke College and doctor of theology. Nor did he confine 
himself to his books or his college exclusively. When the religious cor- 
porations of England, and especially the universities of Cambridge and 
Oxford, had submitted to them (1534) the question of the marriage of 
Henry Eighth (decided against him by pope Clement Seventh) and were 
asked whether the pope was given by Holy Scripture a jurisdiction in 
Eariv opposes England above any other foreign bishop, Ridley, at Cam- 
thepope. bridge, especially interested himself in the answer, hoping 

for the emancipation of the English church from the papal supremacy. 
This, it seems, made him better known to Thomas Cranmer, then arch- 
bishop. He was called by the latter to his side, and given the parish of 
Heme, in Kent, a few miles from Canterbury, that he might be kept near 
by. Here he preached with zealous and evangelic spirit, yet holding fast 
by the Romish doctrine of transubstantiation. Thus far Ridley was at one 


with his king in his throwing off the papal supremacy and making him- 
self the head of the church in England ; in his circulating the Bible in the 
common tongue, aud still holding fast by the Romish mass. But when 
Henry enacted "the bloody statutes" (or six articles of July 28, 1539), 
enforcing by severe penalties transubstantiation, the withholding of the 
cup, private masses, auricular confession, and celibacy, Ridley openly and 
emphatically condemned the measure. Still, neither he nor Cranmer lost 
the king's regard. Ridley, happily for his keeping the royal favor, was 
not married, and was a believer still in transubstantiation. He was now 
Cranmer's chaplain and a canon of Canterbury Cathedral. His inter- 
course with Cranmer, his study of the controversy of Ratramnus against 
Radbert on transubstantiation, and his constant Bible study soon led him 
to reject this papal doctrine (1540). And so he was never given even 
the slightest promotion so long as Henry the Eighth was on the throne. 
Things changed after Henry's death (January 28, 1547) and Edward's 
accession. Ridley became one of the leaders of the reformed church 
government. He owed this to Cranmer, who, during Edward's minority, 
was a member of the regency of the duke of Somerset, the king's uncle. 
Soon after Edward's coronation (February 20, 1547), Ridley was made 
by him his chaplain ; also in the same year he was named bishop of 
Rochester, near London, and before three years was raised to be bishop of 
London (April 1, 1550). In this high office, side by side 

. , /-. , n . t . His great work. 

with Cranmer, he took part in the most important measures 
of the English Reformation. He made it his first and holiest duty to 
declare the gospel to his congregation. He was in the habit of preach- 
ing, in one place or another, every Sunday and holy-day. As he went 
his rounds, the people thronged to hear him. His work in Rochester, 
though brief, was blessed in its results. The religion of the gospel was 
advanced. As bishop of London, taking the place of Bonner, a most 
resolute opponent of reformation, he made it his especial care to provide 
his parishes with devout evangelic pastors. One of the first whom he 
ordained was John Fox, the renowned author of the " Book of Martyrs." 
But still more important than his work in his diocese was his influence 
on the constitution of the church of England. 

Of the writings upon which the church of England rests to-day, — the 
Prayer Book, the Homilies, the Thirty-Nine Articles, and the Catechism, 
— the first two were prepared with Ridley's help, and the articles (the 
Forty-Two Articles of 1552) not without his counsel. The twelve hom- 
ilies (of the Book of Homilies, 1547) it is found were composed by 
Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley. The first draft of the Book of Common 
Prayer was made by a commission with Ridley as a leading member. 
He thus legislated for the order of worship of the English church, and 
helped lay a foundation which endures in its larger part until to-day. 

This man, so full of spirit and power, ought to be better known in 


his own proper person. Ridley was of well-proportioned frame, winsome 
Ridley's private countenance, warm heart, of manners friendly and pleasant 
hfe - to everybody. He would not hurt or take advantage of 

an opponent, much less seek revenge on him. Remaining unmarried 
throughout life, he was always strict and self-denying, very diligent in 
prayer and meditation. He was in the habit every morning, as soon 
as dressed, of spending a half hour upon his knees. Then he went to 
his study. Afterwards he held family prayers, as was his daily custom. 
When at Fulham, his country place near London, he would read at wor- 
ship a part of the Testament, quitting a copy of the book into the hands 
of every one who could read it. He often read the one hundred and first 
Psalm to his domestics. Over the latter he maintained a strict over- 
sight. Himself devout and upright, he secured virtue aud godliness in his 
household. After prayers he went to dinner. He was temperate and even 
abstemious. Yet with all prudence and wisdom he was very cheerful. 
After dinner he passed a short hour in conversation or a game of chess. 
Then he returned to his study, and there stayed, unless he had to receive 
visitors or attend to outside matters, until five o'clock. He then had 
worship, as in the morning. Afterwards he took supper, and after an 
hour's recreation returned to work. At eleven he regularly retired, 
after spending a while on his knees, as in the morning. When at Ful- 
ham, he sent before dinner and supper to an adjoining house, with the 
message, " Go for my mother Bonner." This old lady was the mother 
of Ridley's popish predecessor, Edmund Bonner, now deposed and in 
prison. When Lady Bonner appeared she was as respectfully and kindly 
received as if she were Ridley's own mother, and was given a seat at the 
upper end of the table. Ridley acted out of his great goodness and 
hearty sympathy. He would have the old lady feel the want of nothing. 
But his good deeds were evil requited, for when, after Mary's accession, 
Ridley was deposed and Bonner restored, the latter drove Ridley's sister 
and her husband, George Shipside, off the farm which they held on the 
estates of the bishopric. 

Ridley had to do with Mary Tudor before she became queen. When 
the emperor Charles Fifth asked of Edward Sixth that the princess 
Mary, his cousin, should be allowed to hold mass in her house, Ridley 
along with Cranmer seconded the request. Later he attempted to move 
Mary to hear evangelic preaching, but without success. After Edward's 
death (July 6, 1553) the attempt was made by the English nobility to 
raise Lady Jane Grey to the throne. On the first Sunday after her 
coronation, bishop Ridley, by command of the privy council, delivered 
a sermon at St. Raul's Cross, in the church-yard of St. Paul's Cathedral. 
In it he bade the people rejoice that they had a Protestant queen, and to 
stand by her. If the princess Mary attained the throne, she would sub- 
ject the land to a foreign power, would abolish the evangelical faith now 


happily established, and destroy all that had been builded with so much 
pains by her brother. He even went so for as to say of the princess 
that, when in virtue of his office as the bishop of the princess he strove to 
lead her to the evangelic faith, though she was gracious enough in other 
things, she proved obstinate and stiff-necked in the matter of religion. 
Ridley's discourse will hardly be named by any one a politic utterance. 
That he appeared at all for Lady Jane Grey, whose enthronement vio- 
lated Mary's hereditary claim, was manifestly a blunder. And Ridley 
soon had cause to repent it, when, after a few days, by the Ridley and 
prevailing sentiment of the people of England, Mary was "Bloody Mary." 
made queen. Ridley repaired to her residence, Framingham Castle, in 
Suffolk, to pay his respects. He was received coldly and ungraciously, 
arrested on the spot, deprived of his offices, set upon a limping nag, and 
carried back a prisoner to the London Tower. His popish predecessor, 
Edmund Bonner, was at once restored as bishop of London. Still 
no charges of political kind, but only such as had a bearing on religion, 
were brought up against Ridley. He was imprisoned three years and 
some months. From the end of July, 1558, to the middle of March, 
1554, he lay in the Tower. 

An order came at last (March, 1554) to convey the three evangelical 
bishops, Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridley, from the Tower to Windsor. 
Shortly after (April) they were taken to Oxford, there to meet the doc- 
tors of the papal party. At first they were thrown into the common 
jail, the Bocardo ; after a few days they were separated, and Ridley was 
kept a prisoner in the house of the mayor of the city, one Irish. He 
was worse off than his two friends, because, as he tells us in a letter, the 
woman of the house which was his prison was the ruler of the man, 
even if he was mayor of the city. And this woman was a superstitious 
old lady, who hoped to win herself especial consideration by keeping 
Ridley in very strict custody. 

The first hearing came April 14th, in the church of the university, — 
Mary's Church. The commissioners, thirty-three in number, were pres- 
ent. After Cranmer had first been interrogated, Dr. Ridley was brought 
forward. The same three questions were asked of him as of the arch- 
bishop: (1.) Is not Christ's human body present in the sacrament of the 
altar, by virtue of the word pronounced by the priest ? (2.) Does any 
substance remain after the consecration except Christ's body and blood ? 
(3.) Is not the mass a propitiatory sacrifice, both for the living and the 
dead ? It was simply the doctrine of the mass, including the idea of 
transubstantiation with that of sacrifice. Ridley replied, as Ri(ile y: s <i e _ 
soon as the articles had been read, that they were wholly fense - 
false and the fruit of a bitter root. His replies were keen and scholarly. 
Upon his denial of the Romish mass he was invited, along with his asso- 
ciates, to a discussion. He accepted the challenge, as did Cranmer ; the 


latter maintained the debate. Afterwards came the turn of Ridley 
(April 17th), and he was led into Divinity Hall. The chief opponent was 
a certain Richard Smith, supported by thirteen other doctors and mas- 
ters. Ridley was given two secretaries, of whom one was John Jewel, 
afterwards bishop of Salisbury, under queen Elizabeth. His notes give 
us an original source of information respecting this discussion. 

Taking the first question named above, Ridley attacked with extraor- 
dinary severity the Romish doctrine of the presence of Christ's body 
and blood in the Supper as un scriptural, as opposed to the most ancient 
fathers, and in every way helpful to superstition. He expressed his own 
conviction that the Sacrament was not a mere sign of Christ's body, but 
was the communion of that body. In so far it became the gift of the 
body of Christ to the believing communicant. In a word, he confessed 
the Calvinistic doctrine of the Lord's Supper. In defense of the same 
he displayed remarkable acquaintance with the writings of the fathers. 

The second theory, that of transubstantiation, he opposed with sur- 
passing logic, and showed from the fathers that real bread remained 
in the Supper even after the consecration. Hardly allowed to present 
and support his belief without interruption, he closed, saying that he 
appealed from the unrighteous judgment recently pronounced (in re- 
gard to his deposition) to a court competent to decide according to 
the church government of England. Further, he declared, " Though this 
appeal be not allowed on earth, I take my refuge in the decision of the 
Eternal Judge, the Almighty God, to whose compassionate righteousness 
I commit wholly myself and mine affairs, not doubting in the least of the 
support of my advocate and only Redeemer Jesus Christ, to whom, with 
the Eternal Father and the Holy Spirit, be honor and glory now and 
forever. Amen." When this declaration of his position was finished, 
the debate proper went on, at very great length and with exceeding vi- 
vacity. Ridley declared that in all his life he had never seen nor heard 
so vain and disorderly a transaction as this one. He had not thought 
it possible that among men whom England deemed well informed and 
scholarly, individuals could be found so insolent and devoid of shame, so 
turbulent and trifling. When the end came, the president invited his 
associates to raise the triumphal cry of " Vicit Veritas!" as if a noble vic- 
tory had been won. It was done. 

Some days after (April 20th) the commission held in Mary's Church a 
further sitting. The three bishops were brought forward separately, and 
asked to acknowledge that they had been vanquished in the public de- 
bate, and to declare whether they would not recant. Ridley returned 
Ridley excom- tne short, conclusive answer that he stood by what he had 
municated. sa i ( ] > _^j] three were called up together ; the sentence was 

read to them, which declared them heretics and excommunicated them. 
After Cranmer had spoken, Ridley declared, " Though I belong no more 


to your society, I doubt not that my name is written in another place, to 
which this sentence will send us somewhat sooner than we would be sent 
by the common course of nature." Then each was taken back to his 
prison. By the usages of the Middle Ages, such a sentence did not have 
to wait long for its execution. The condemned needed simply to be 
given over by his judges to the civil power. At the time named the 
law of England was not yet restored to its ancient popish pattern. This 
was accomplished, however, by November, 1554, with the help of Par- 
liament. Then the flood-gates of persecution were opened. The year 
1555 gave the queen, for the first, her name of " Bloody Mary." So 
Ridley and his fellow-witnesses had to stay in prison a year and a half 
more, in certain prospect of a martyr death. This time was employed 
by Ridley in part to expose the injustice of the proceeding against him, 
and to obtain its revision, in part to comfort and strengthen his friends 
and fellow-believers. His letters from his prison, written the most of 
them in Latin, testify the unshaken grasp of his faith, his joyous hope, 
and his heart-felt love to his brethren. 

Directly upon the pope's regaining his supremacy in the English 
church, he named Reginald Pole his legate in England. The latter au- 
thorized three bishops — White of Lincoln, Brookes of Gloucester, and 
Holyman of Bristol — to conclude the proceeding against Ridley and Lat- 
imer, either by securing their recantation, or by giving them over to the 
civil power as stubborn heretics. Hence Ridley was brought, Septem- 
ber 30, 1555, into the University Divinity School. The three bishops 
were present. A notary proceeded to read their commission. Ridley 
at first stood with bared head. When he heard the cardinal's name, 
and the pope's, as giving authority to his judges, he put on his hat, 
and stood covered. The bishop of Lincoln charged him with lacking in 
respect to the empowering parties. Ridley answered openly that he had 
all respect for his judges and the cardinal personally, but the assumed 
supremacy of the pope and all the authority of Pole as papal legate he 
rejected. In order, not with words only, but with deeds, to testify against 
this unscriptural power, he had put his hat upon his head. The hat of 
Ridley was then, by the bishop's command, taken off by a university 
beadle. The bishop now admonished him that he recant and return into 
the bosom of the Roman church. Ridley answered at length that he 
would not, for, though the church of Rome had been the mother of other 
churches, she was not the head of other churches. There followed an 
extended discussion on the nature of the church and the authority of the 
church of Rome. Five articles were read, embodying the errors im- 
puted to Ridley on the question of the mass. They would hear his reply. 
He gave it clearly and conclusively, according to the minutes. They 
then dismissed him, telling him to put his views into writing. On the 
morrow (October 1st) he was brought to the commissioners in Mary's 


Church, in presence of the university and the citizens. Ridley insisted 
on his views of the day before, and contented himself with giving his 
written answers to the questions propounded. White, bishop of Lincoln, 
then addressed him, advising that he trust not to his own understanding, 
but submit to authority. Ridley asserted that he nowise trusted to his 
understanding, but was thoroughly convinced that the faith which he 
maintained rested on God's Word. They should allow him to show 
why he could not accept the pope's authority. The bishop of Lincoln 
rejjlied that as Ridley asked leave to speak three words he should be al- 
lowed to speak forty. Ridley began to speak, but had hardly uttered half 
a period when one of the bishops cried, " The number is complete," and 
imposed upon him silence. The bishop of Lincoln said, " I see clearly, 
Master Ridley, you will frustrate that part of our undertaking which we 
cherished. God is my witness that I grieve concerning you." Ridley 
replied, " That I believe, my lord, for this will one day weigh heavy on 
your souls." " Not that," the bishop said, " but I grieve to see you so 
Sentenced to stiff-necked. But since it is so, we must proceed to the 
die - other part of our errand. Listen." Then he read the sen- 

tence, by which Ridley was declared a heretic, deposed from his episco- 
pal dignity and all ecclesiastical position, excommunicated, and given 
over to the civil power to receive the appointed punishment. 

Ridley was taken back to prison. Now he saw clearly what had been 
before his soul for two years. He employed the respite given him to 
send his last farewells and admonitions to his friends and fellow-believers. 
At this time he doubtless composed that royal letter which gives us many 
of our facts, since it is a kind of autobiography. It begins, " When a 
man has a long journey before him, and must part from his trusted 
friends, he wishes naturally, before setting out, to say to those friends 
farewell. And so I desire, who am expecting daily to be summoned from 
you, ye brothers and sisters, heartily beloved in the Lord, to say to you 
all, as I am able, farewell." First to his relatives he bids farewell. He 
sends thanks, comfort, admonition, warning, to all, according to their cir- 
cumstances. Then he sends parting to his countrymen, exhorting them 
to fidelity to the gospel and heroic conflict for the truth. In a subse- 
quent part he bids farewell to Cambridge University, his first parish of 
Heme in Kent, to Canterbury Cathedral, to his bishopric of Rochester 
and of London. Terrible comes his address to Loudon, " the godless 
and bloody place " (under bishop Bonner). Instead of farewell, it turns 
to a prophetic woe ! Yet all the more kindly and comfortably does he 
speak to the " souls mourning in secret " in the capital, and to the val- 
iant, God-fearing citizens, mayors, and aldermen, some of whom he 
mentions with grateful commemoration. In closing he remembers his 
place as one of the House of Peers, and addressing the secular lords 
holds them answerable for the favor shown to Rome, and for their " auti- 


christian " laws, presenting to them the account which they will certainly 
have to render before the Eternal Judge. No less touching is a second 
farewell letter, addressed to all those " who for sake of Christ's gospel 
are in prison or in exile," — a writing full of heart, heroic and joyous in 
the face of death for the name of Christ. 

Fourteen days after the sentence, on October 15th, appeared Dr. 
Brookes, bishop of Gloucester, then commissioner, with the vice-chancel- 
lor of Oxford and other heads of the university, at the house of the city 
mayor, Irish, where Dr. Ridley was in prison. The commissioner proffered 
him pardon in the queen's name, in case he would recant. Ridley rejected 
the idea quickly and finally. Brookes then proceeded to deprive him of 
his priestly office, for he had already been deposed from his place as 
bishop. When Ridley persistently refused to put on the surplice and 
other garments pertaining to the mass, these were put upon him by 
others. As one article after another was then taken away, a response 
was uttered by him. For example, when a book, given to him, had been 
taken away, with the words, " We take from thee the office of preaching 
the gospel," he answered, with a deep sigh and a look upward, " O Lord 
God, forgive them this wickedness." When the ceremony was at an 
end, and Dr. Brookes would not suffer him to speak, Ridley said, " What 
is left to me then save patience, when ye will not hear me? I commit my 
cause to my heavenly Father ; He will amend what is wrong when it 
seems good to Him." Dr. Brookes undertook to present to the queen 
Ridley's petitions interceding for certain tenants of farms belonging to 
the bishopric of London, with whom he had made contracts, among them 
his own brother-iudaw. Dr. Brookes then called the officers of the law, 
and committed Ridley to them, with the command to let him talk to no 
one, and to lead him to the place of execution according to their instruc- 
tions. Ridley exclaimed, " God, I thank Thee, and to thy praise declare 
that none of ye all can accuse me of a fault." Brookes rejoined that 
he played the proud Pharisee and exalted himself. Ridley said, " No, 
no, no ! I confess I am a poor, miserable sinner, who needs God's help 
and pity, and daily ask and implore the same. I pray ye, ascribe no such 
meaning to me." Then his adversaries went away from him. 

He was to suffer that horrible fate, death by fire, on the morrow. Yet 
he looked forward to it not only patiently, but joyously. At supper he 
was in as cheerful a frame as in all his life. He gave an invitation to 
his hostess, Mistress Irish, and all the rest at the table, to come " to his 
wedding " on the morrow. When he rose from table, his brother-in-law 
asked to watch with him through the night. Ridley replied, " No, no, 
that you shall not ; for I am minded to go to bed, and, if God will, to 
sleep as quietly as ever in my life." On October 16, 1555, Lat i me rand 
Ridley and Latimer were led to the appointed place. It Ridle y die- 
was in the north part of Oxford, in the city moat, opposite Balliol College. 


Ridley walked between the mayor of the city and one of the aldermen. 
When he came near the Bocardo prison, he looked up to the windows 
where Cranmer was kept, but could get no glimpse of him. Turning 
back he saw his friend Latimer, who was led some distance behind him. 
Ridley called to him, " Oh, be ye there ? " Latimer answered, " Yea, 
have after, as fast as I can." As soon as Ridley reached the place, he 
lifted his hands with earnest gesture, looking up to heaven. And when 
Latimer came up he ran to him in a wondrously glad way, embracing 
and kissing him, saying, " Be of good heart, brother, for God will either 
assuage the flame, or else strengthen us to abide it." He then went to 
the stake, and, kneeling down, kissed it, and prayed fervently, as did 
Latimer. Then they arose, and conversed a moment together. According 
to custom, the burning was preceded by a sermon. This was preached 
by the same Dr. Smith who had disputed with Ridley April 14, 1554. 
His text was, " Though I give my body to be burned, and have not char- 
ity, it profiteth me nothing." The sermon, short as it was, was full of 
abuse of the two as heretics, and of exhortations to them to recant. At 
every such passage they raised their eyes and hands towards heaven, as 
if to call God to be their witness. When the sermon was done, Ridley 
and Latimer, kneeling, begged Lord Williams and the commissioners for 
leave to say a few words. This they refused, except upon condition that 
the former should recant. " Well," said Ridley, " so long as the breath 
is in my body I will never deny my Lord Christ and his known truth. 
God's will be done in me." With that he rose, and said with a loud 
voice, " I commit our cause to Almighty God, who shall indifferently 
judge all ! " They were commanded at once to make ready. Ridley 
gave his gown and tippet to his brother-in-law, Shipside. Some other 
of his apparel he gave to the by-standers. AYhoever could get a button 
or a shred of his garments thought himself happy. As soon as he was 
stripped to his shirt he stepped upon a stone near the pillar, lifted up 
his hands, and prayed : " heavenly Father, I give unto Thee most hearty 
thanks that Thou hast called me to be thy confessor, even unto death. I 
beseech thee, Lord God, have mercy on this realm of England, and de- 
liver the same from all her enemies." Ridley was then chained along 
with Latimer to the post. His brother-in-law, Shipside, came up with a 
little sack, which he wished to tie round his neck. Ridley asked what it 
was. When told it was guupowder, he said, " I take it as sent from God, 
but if thou hast any more bring it to my brother Latimer, and betimes, 
lest you be too late." While he brought it, Ridley begged Lord Will- 
iams to intercede for his brother-in-law and other tenants of the farms 
of his bishopric, testifying that there was naught else in the world that 
Latimer's grand troubled him. Thus his soul to the last breath was oc- 
words. cupied with the weal of others. Then as one brought a 

lighted fagot and laid it at Ridley's feet, Latimer cried out, " Be of good 

Cent. XVI.] JOHN HOOPER. 397 

comfort, Master Ridley, and play the man ! We shall this day light such 
a candle, by God's grace, in England, as I trust never shall be put out." 
When Ridley saw the fire flaming up towards him, he cried out with an 
amazing loud voice, " In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum : 
Domine, recipe spiritum meum." The last words he repeated several 
times in English: " Lord, receive my spirit." Latimer died after a short 
death struggle. Ridley's torture continued longer, for the flames reached 
him very slowly, consuming his feet before his upper parts were touched 
by the fire. He cried aloud, " Lord, have mercy upon me," and prayed 
the executioners, " Let the fire come unto me ; I cannot burn." Finally 
one came and made the fire flame up bright and kindle the powder. 
Then the martyr sank down, his body falling at Latimer's feet. Hun- 
dreds among the spectators melted in tears, beholding the painful death 
of Ridley, and seeing men consumed by fire in whom was so great 
knowledge, piety, virtue, and majesty. That fire was indeed a light 
kindled in England, no more to be put out. 

In front of the place where Ridley and Latimer were burned (October 
16, 1555), and where five months later Cranmer was burned (March 21, 
1556), there was erected in 1840 a fitting martyr memorial. To Ridley 
and men like him there is due from every honest evangelical Christian 
a memorial now, even grateful recollection. — G. L. 


A. D. 1495-A. D. 1555. CLERICAL LEADER, — ENGLAND. 

Op the English churchmen who introduced the leaven of Swiss Calvin- 
ism into the reformed movement in England, — at first so confined to 
externals, — giving it thus more life, more thoroughness and power, and 
quickening at the same time an eccentric and one-sided puritan tendency, 
we name as a leader John Hooper, bishop of Gloucester and Worcester. 

Born in Somerset, he became familiar while a student at Oxford with 
the Protestant ideas which penetrated him afterwards, and produced in 
him a declared foe of popery. His tendency was noted by Gardiner, 
bishop of Winchester, who was well-nigh supreme with Henry Eighth at 
that period. Mortally hating innovation, even though maintaining Hen- 
ry's headship in England, Gardiner attempted to turn Hooper from his 
course. The latter paid no heed to his remonstrances. Soon he was 
made aware that at court and among the foes of reform he was counted a 
notorious heretic. Next there appeared the six articles by which Henry 
set limits to reform and tried to arrest it. Hooper, an outspoken oppo- 
nent of the attempt, found himself threatened with deadly persecution. 
To escape the worst he fled (1537) to the coast in a sailor's garb, crossed 


to France, and took refuge in Switzerland. Here he lived in one place 
and another, and at last in Zurich (April, 1547, till March, 1549), in close 
intimacy with Bullinger, and devoted to the study of theology and of 
Hebrew. He adopted in full the Zwinglian view of church reform. He 
also married, on the advice of Bullinger. Meanwhile, king Henry, the 
grievous persecutor of Protestantism, was dead (January 28, 1547). 
Cranmer was pushing on the Reformation gradually, under the protec- 
tion of the regency ; and many prominent divines of the Continent were 
receiving calls to England, to the universities in particular, to help 
strengthen Protestantism with the clergy. Hooper accordingly went 
home, hoping to find entrance for his ideas acquired among the Swiss. 
Like the celebrated popular orator, Hugh Latimer, he came upon Eng- 
land with downright enthusiastic discourse upon Rome's apostasy from 
Moves England ^he g 0S P e ^ an( ^ made a great excitement with his sermons, 
by preaching. Great moving of hearts, far and wide, proceeded from his 
strong, pithy, soaring speech in support of the truth of the gospel. King 
Edward's council saw that Hooper must be advanced to a prominent and 
influential position in the church. He was first made the chaplain of 
Dudley, earl of Warwick, and then bishop of Gloucester (July, 1550). 
At once, Hooper's hearty opposition to the whole course of English re- 
form, and to the conception of Protestantism prevailing in England, came 
vividly to light. He did not, indeed, maintain as strict a puritanism as 
Knox, but he declined to wear the episcopal vestments (which were still 
in many respects like the Romish). The " Aaronic vestments" seemed 
a " sign of fellowship with antichrist." He also declared himself unable 
to take the prescribed oath to the archbishop, because it named not only 
God, but also the saints (" So helpe me God, all saints," etc.). Cranmer 
tried to convince him on the first point, but in vain. Warwick bade 
Cranmer overlook forms, and consecrate Hooper as bishop without the 
vestments. Cranmer said that this was not possible, for if he yielded 
here, the Romish prelates, on their side, would make the most dangerous 
demands. Hooper preferred to forego his bishopric rather than, as a 
Bible Protestant, yield to what offended his conscience. Cranmer then 
asked two men, Martin Bucer, professor at that time in Cambridge, and 
Peter Martyr Vermigli, professor in Oxford, who stood very high in 
Hooper's eyes as tbeological authorities, to give their opinions on the 
vestments and on Hooper's view of them. Both of them favored com- 
promise. Bucer said that the use of the episcopal vestments in general 
was to be disapproved, as promoting superstition ; but when they were to 
be put on but once, to fulfill the law, Hooper might submit to them. To 
the pure all things are pure. Peter Martyr said that the dress of the 
clergy was a thing morally indifferent, and that it would be unwise to 
excite a t contest respecting it so as to hinder the advance of the Reforma- 

Cent. XVI.] JOHN HOOPER. 399 

Hooper gave no heed to these arguments. On the contrary, he pub- 
lished a writing in justification of his course, calling it his confession of 
faith. By his puritan zeal in sermons and discourses of all kinds against 
priestly garments he raised such a popular excitement, breaking forth into 
disturbances in one j)lace and another, that the regency put him under 
the special care of Cranmer, and when that did not avail cast him into 
prison. In the loneliness of his cell, cut off from friends who sought to 
urge him to greater extremes than he himself thought of, he gradually 
came to look at the whole question at issue in another light. Upon king 
Edward's omitting the invocation of the saints in the oath, Hooper as- 
sented to a compromise, preached a sermon before the king in full epis- 
copal vestments, and wore the same at his consecration (March, 1551). 
He agreed to wear them when publicly officiating as bishop, or when in 
the king's presence. In every-day life he was allowed to lay them aside. 

Besides Gloucester, Worcester was also given to Hooper's charge, yet 
without any increase of revenues. At once he began to 

-iiij> i.ii i p- -^ m °del pastor. 

preach and labor for souls m church and out of it, with 
the utmost zeal and activity. By a suggestion of his, before his conse- 
cration, communion tables were appointed, by order of the couucil, instead 
of altars, in all the churches of the realm. Hooper evinced great inter- 
est and zeal in introducing and enforcing systematic and strict discipline. 
Upon this account he was once visited with rude personal violence by a 
nobleman, whom he summoned before his spiritual court for adultery. 
Hooper's activity continued throughout Edward's reign. When the king 
died in his tender youth, and Bloody Mary ascended the English throne, 
she, with her advisers, at once marked out the bishop of Worcester as a 
victim. He was ordered to London, on the pretense that he owed the 
crown money. Warned and earnestly entreated by his friends to save 
himself by flight, he considered that he must obey the order. He re- 
paired to London, was at once imprisoned, and admonished by a clerical 
commission, before which he was brought, to abjure his heresy. When 
he repelled the advice with decision, he was sentenced to be degraded, 
and was then given over to the civil power. By the latter he was doomed 
to the fire, and to suffer in Gloucester. With calm resignation, Hooper 
heard the sentence, thanking God that it was allowed him, in the place 
where he taught gospel truth according to his word, to bear witness for 
it in the flames. Stripped of his garments as bishop and priest, he was 
forced to go afoot to Gloucester to die. Arriving, he was allowed one 
day's repose, and then was led to the stake. All discourse to the multi- 
tude surrounding the place of execution being forbidden him, he uttered 
aloud in prayer what he would say to them for a farewell. When he 
reached the Amen, he said the fire would not do its work, made as it was 
of green wood. He asked that other wood be brought and the fire made 
afresh, that he might die. Still, the wind blowing prolonged his agony 


for three quarters of an hour. When his left hand had burned and fallen 
off, he was seen laying his right hand on his bosom, and, with uplifted 
eyes, was heard calling on the Lord Jesus, to whom he committed his 
spirit. Then his suffering ended. — H. H. 


A. D. 1521-A. D. 1546. LAICAL LEADER, — ENGLAND. 

The Articles of Blood, made by Henry Eighth, 1 with harsh and cruel 
spirit brought to death both adherents of the papacy and friends of the 
Reformation. Among the latter was the pious, devoted Anne Askew. 

Of her early life we know little, save that she came of an ancient noble 
family in Lincoln, was educated by her parents in accordance with her posi- 
tion and the opportunities of her times, and distinguished herself by her 
knowledge, prudence, consideration, by her steadfastness of character and 
sincere, hearty piety. She had obtained the Bible in English, read and 
studied it diligently, and found in it a rich gospel treasure. She was 
twenty-five years old (March, 1546) when the command came that she 
should appear before an inquisitorial commission appointed by the king. 
She was called to go through two trials, which she herself reported in 
writing, while in prison, for the sake of her friends and associates. Her 
convictions, as set forth, are marked by the utmost shrewdness, steadfast- 
ness, and plainness. 

At the first trial she was interrogated in the outset by an inquisitor, 
Before the in- Christopher Dare, as to certain persons who were suspected 
quisitor. f heresy. Then the question was asked whether she be- 

lieved of the Sacrament of the altar that it was the real human body of 
Christ. She replied that he should first tell her wherefore the holy 
Stephen was stoned to death. On his answering that he could not tell, 
she rejoined that no more would she answer his vain question. The dis- 
cussion which ensued, which is very interesting, shows no sign of embar- 
rassment, but the utmost presence of mind and readiness of defense. 
Said the judge, " There has a woman informed us that thou in a certain 
place didst read that God dwelleth not in houses made by men's hands." 
Anne appealed to what Stephen and Paul had said (Acts vii. 48, xvii. 
24). The judge asked her to explain this and that saying. She an- 
swered, " We must not throw pearls before swine ; they must eat acorns." 
Said the judge, " Who taught thee to say that thou wouldst rather hear 
five verses in the Scriptures than ever so many masses in the church ? " 
Anne : " I will not deny my saying, but I did not mean it respecting the 
Gospels and Epistles which are read at the mass out of God's Word. From 

1 See page 171. 

Cent. XVI.] ANNE ASKEW. 401 

reading and meditation of the Scriptures I receive benefit and edification, 
but not from the mass ; as Paul testifies, ' For if the trumpet give an 
uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the battle ? ' " Judge : 
" What sayest thou of confession ? " Anne : " The same that the Apos- 
tle James teaches, — that one should confess his sins to another, and pray 
for the other." Judge : " Hast thou the Spirit of God ? " Anne : " If I 
had not Him, I would not be God's, but would be of the number of the 
reprobate." Judge: " I have brought a priest, who is to examine thee." 
Then a priest from the adjoining room came in and questioned Anne 
on the main point of the indictment, her view of the Sacrament of the 
altar. When she perceived that he was a papist, she begged him to ex- 
cuse her from making any answer. The chief inquisitor then came upon 
her with the question what she thought of masses for souls, and whether 
they could render help or comfort to the departed. Anne answered 
firmly and decidedly, " If one puts his trust on the masses more than on 
the blood of Christ, the Son of God, who died for us, it is idolatry and 
horrible blasphemy." 

After the trial Anne was sent to the lord mayor, who interrogated her 
anew. He asked if a mouse should eat the consecrated bread, whether 
it ate God. Anne simply laughed at the foolish inquiry. When at last 
the bishop's chancellor rebuked her because she, a woman, would declare 
God's Word and the Holy Scripture, which Paul had forbidden to 
women to speak, Anne answered, " The Apostle's meaning is plain to 
me that women should not teach in the congregation, as men, to whom 
the charge of instructing the church is committed." She put the keen 
question, " How many women hast thou in thy life seen enter the pul- 
pit and preach ? " When he was forced to say none, she ended the con- 
versation with the decided words, " Then you ought not to condemn poor 
women with untimely judgment, when the law leaves them free." 

On the 23d of March she was visited in prison by her cousin, and 
asked whether she were not willing to be released on bail. When she 
assented, he repaired to the mayor to make his petition. The mayor 
agreed, provided bishop Bonner gave consent. The sec- Before tlie 
ond day after, Anne was brought before Bonner, and ad- blsh °P- 
monished by him and his associates to open her heart. Anne replied 
that she had hidden nothing in her heart not to be told, for she had a 
calm and clear conscience, and was sensible of neither a care in her heart 
nor a gnawing worm. Bonner continued, " As when a skillful surgeon 
places a plaster on a wound he must know how great and deep the 
wound is, so I cannot give thee any counsel till thou hast shown me the 
wounds and diseases of thy conscience." Anne : " I am, thank God, con- 
scious of nothing wrong ; it were very preposterous treatment to place a 
plaster on a sound skin." He then repeated the former accusations, to 
which she returned the former apt replies. Finally he asked her directly, 



" What is thy belief concerning the Sacrament ? " Anna : " I believe 
what the Holy Scripture teaches concerning it." Bonner : " What if 
the Scripture doth say that it is the body of Christ?" Anna : " I believe 
thoroughly and only the Holy Scripture." At last he asked how it came 
that she answered with so few words. Anne : " God hath given to me 
the gift of knowledge, but not of utterance ; and why reprovest thou in 
me what king Solomon praiseth in his proverbs, saying that a woman of 
understanding that speaks in few words and discreetly is an especial gift 
of God?" 

After several days came another trial, five hours in length, and she 
was asked, among other things, especially concerning her opinion respect- 
ing the Supper. She replied, " I believe that so oft as I, in a Christian 
congregation, do receive the bread in remembrance of Christ's death, 
with thanksgiving according to his holy institution, I receive therewith 
also the fruits of his most glorious passion." The bishop desired she 
-should speak plainly, and use no circumlocutions. Anne: "I cannot sing 
the Lord's song in a strange land." Bonner : " Thou speakest in parables 
and similitudes." Anne : " I must speak with thee thus, for were I to 
speak the open truth thou wouldst still not accept it." Then he called 
her a parrot, to which she replied, " I am ready to bear not only all thy 
rebukes with patience, but all that thou doest further against me." The 
■hearing was continued on other days. She was desired by the bishop of 
Winton, and others, to confess that the Sacrament contained Christ's 
body, flesh, blood, and bones. Anne replied, " It is a shameful thing to 
which you advise me ; to say what you yourself do not believe." He re- 
plied that he would speak to her kindly and in confidence. " Yes," said 
Anne, " as Judas, when he wished to betray Jesus." Finally there was 
laid before her a confession respecting the Sacrament, for her signature, 
which she most decidedly refused. Next day, which was Sunday, Anne 
felt very ill, and asked to see Dr. Latimer, but was denied her request. 
Instead she was carried to prison at Newgate. 

She was informed, after this trial, that she was a heretic, and accord- 
ing to law doomed to death if she stubbornly held to her opinion. She 
replied, " No, I am not a heretic." They would have her say whether 
she denied that Christ's body and blood were in the Supper. Anne an- 
swered, " I deny it utterly and finally ; for God's Son, born of Mary, ac- 
cording to our Christian creed, reigns in heaven, and will return in like 
tmanner as He ascended thither. I do not deny that the Sacrament 
should receive all proper reverence, but because ye with your supersti- 
tion transgress and make it a god, and show it divine honor, I say it is 
but bread, and prove it such by this token : if you keep your god three 
months in a chest, letting it be, it will mould and rot, and at last wholly 
perish ; and is that a god that cannot endure three months ? " They 
asked her to confess to a priest. She smiled, and said, " It is enough if 


I confess my sins to God, and I doubt not He hears my confession, and 
because I have a penitent heart will forgive me. What He can and will 
perform must abide through eternity." The sentence of death was at 
once passed upon her. 

To no purpose did she protest against the sentence in a letter to the 
chancellor, then in a petition to the king. She was brought, Tortured and 
according to custom, to the London Tower, asked respect- slain - 
ing her associates, and, when she named none, stretched repeatedly upon 
the rack, till the members of her body were out of joint and rent asunder, 
and she was fallen in a swoon. She was again beset by threats and argu- 
ments, to make her recant. When she was still steadfast, and yet her 
strength so small that her death in prison was apprehended, she was hur- 
ried to public execution in the fire. Since, from her tortures, she could 
neither stand nor walk, she was carried on a chair to the Horse Market, 
and bound to a post by iron chains. All was ready. Then arrived royal 
letters promising life if she recanted. She would not look at them. 
The fagots were kindled. With three men of like faith she suffered a 
painful but glorious martyr death. The year after (1546) Henry Eighth 
went to meet his judge. — F. A. 



Patrick Hamilton, first preacher and martyr of the Reformation 
in Scotland, was of noble birth and ancestry. His father, Sir Patrick 
Hamilton, was an illegitimate son, afterward legitimized, of the first Lord 
Hamilton, who married Mary, daughter of king James Second. His 
mother was Catherine Stuart, daughter of Alexander, duke of Albany, 
second son of the same monarch. Neither the time nor the place of his 
birth is certainly known. Yet there is evidence that he was born at 
Stonehouse, near Glasgow, some time in 1504. As a younger son, he was 
early destined to the church, and in 1517 was made titular abbot of Feme, 
a cloister (of the Premonstrants) in Ross shire. In that same year, prob- 
ably, he left Scotland to pursue his studies at the University of Paris. It 
has long been thought that he was a student at St. Andrew's. Quite re- 
cently his name was found in a manuscript register of the " Magistri 
Jurati " at Paris, under date of 1520. This discovery throws important 
light on the way by which he came to the knowledge of gospel truth. 
There were a number of disciples of Erasmus and Luther at that school 
at the time of Hamilton's residence. The flames of controversy concern- 
ing the new science and the new philosophy were then burning in Paris. 
When Hamilton, after first spending a while in Louvain, evidently for 


sake of its new college of the three languages, came home to Scotland 
Home from the (1523), he was already a decided Erasmian, not only in his 
Continent. j ove f or ^ e c l aS sics, but in his conviction of the need of a 

church reformation. 

Alexander Alesius (a Scottish contemporary of Hamilton) records 
that " he was a man of distinguished erudition, rejecting all the sophistry 
of the schools, and tracing philosophy to its sources — to the original 
writings of Plato and Aristotle." The same writer informs us that, al- 
though Hamilton was an abbot, he never put on the cloister garb, " so 
great was his hatred of monkish hypocrisy." Instead of staying with 
the monks of his own abbey of Feme, he became a member of the 
University of St. Andrew's and a " teacher of the arts," taking up his 
residence in that city. It required the study aud reflection of years to 
make of the youthful disciple of Erasmus a decided adherent of Luther. 
Hamilton was hardly an open supporter of the Reformation when he 
entered the priesthood (probably in 1526) ; still, the motives directing 
him to the priesthood reveal the evangelic spirit which secretly ruled in 
his heart. " This came to pass," says the English martyr John Frith, 
" because he sought all means for witnessing the truth, even as Paul cir- 
cumcised Timothy in order to gain the weak Jews." Hamilton did not 
as yet see that true loyalty to God's Word was inconsistent with loyalty 
to the church of Rome. In the beginning of 1527 reports first reached 
the archbishop of St. Andrew's that Hamilton had openly supported the 
cause of Luther. At once Beaton took steps to bring him to a strict 
account. Such a preacher of heresy was indeed to be dreaded. In a 
country where noble birth and influential connections weighed more 
with the people than in any other European kingdom, a preacher of 
Lutheranism, with royal blood in his veins and all the power of the 
Hamiltons at his back, was as dangerous a foe to the church as Martin 
Luther himself would have been. 

The affair was serious. No time must be lost. Beaton set on foot 
immediate inquiries into the truth of the news brought to him. When he 
found the young priest " spotted with contentious heresy, with the va- 
ried heresies of Martin Luther and his associates, battling against the 
truth," he summoned Hamilton before him. Patrick had equipped 
himself to preach the truth, but did not find himself quite ready yet to 
Takes refuge in die f° r & H e had the faith of an evangelist, but not of a 
Germany. martyr. He vanished from Scotland (spring, 1527), and 

went to the gospel school of Germany, accompanied by two friends and 
a servant. He spent a short time in Wittenberg, but unfortunately no 
details of his intercourse with Luther and Melancthon are preserved. 
From Wittenberg he went to Marburg, and was present at the dedication 
of the new university of the landgrave Philip. His name still remains 
written on the first page of the academic album. He formed a warm 


attachment for Francis Lambert, whom Philip had brought from Strass- 
burg and made president of his theological faculty. Hamilton soon 
distinguished himself under him by his progress in theology. The pu- 
pil's affection was fully returned by the master. Lambert has left us a 
written testimony to his friend's ability and worth. He says, " His 
knowledge was unusual for his years, and his judgment in matters of 
religion was exceeding correct and profound. The object of his coming 
to the university was to ground himself thoroughly in the truth, and I 
can truly say that I have seldom met any one who occupied himself with 
the Word of God with more spirit and devotion. He often conversed 
with me upon this subject. He was the first, after the founding of the 
university, to present by my advice a series of theses for open disputa- 
tion. His theses were conceived in the spirit of the gospel, and were 
maintained with the greatest erudition." These theses were afterwards 
translated into English by John Frith, and in this form preserved by 
Fox in his " Book of Martyrs," and by John Knox under the name of 
"Patrick's Commonplaces." They are an interesting and important 
memorial of the earliest faith of the Scottish Reformation. Their teach- 
ing is purely evangelic, without the peculiarities of either the Lutheran 
or the Swiss confessions. Hamilton's theology, like Lambert's, was 
" modeled upon the teachings of Luther, and in its philosophic form was 
presented and enforced in the style of the Commonplaces of Melanc- 

After the lapse of half a year in Protestant Germany, Hamilton felt 
that the time was come when his duty to, God and fatherland called him 
home. His two friends appear to have been deterred by the danger from 
accompanying him. No consideration of danger could keep Hamilton 
from his lofty design of evangelizing his fatherland. What a change ! 
Six months before he fled from his country because he did not feel that 
he had grown equal to the vocation of a Christian martyr. Now he has- 
tens to confront the danger which he then hastened to avoid. Most amaz- 
ing, yet not so difficult of explanation ; for six months he had 
spent among the most renowned champions and doctors of the reformed 
faith. His instructors had all been evangelical teachers of the first rank, 
and they were Christian heroes as well. For such a man as Hamilton it 
was impossible to have fellowship with such and not partake of their 
spirit and be overcome by their influence. 

Arriving in Scotland, Hamilton repaired to the family residence of 
Kincavel, near Linlithgow, and there took his first congre- A t home for a 
gation. His older brother, Sir James, was now in posses- We-work. 
sion of the family estates and honors. . His mother was living still ; he 
also had a sister Catherine, a lady of spirit and ability. His near rela- 
tives and the family servants constituted his first audience. His work 
among them was blessed with marked success. Both his brother and 


sister embraced the truth, and in after years were esteemed worthy to 
suffer for its sake many things. Hamilton did not confine himself to 
Kincavel. He set out to preach the long-lost gospel in all the country 
around. " The bright rays of true light," says Knox, " which by God's 
grace were in his heart, began to blaze gloriously around, not only se- 
cretly but openly." " Wherever he came," says another historian, " he 
omitted not to expose openly the corruption of the Roman church, and 
to show the errors which had crept into the Christian religion. He was 
hearkened to by many. By his doctrine and his gentle bearing he won 
a large following among all sorts of people." 

What Hamilton preached to gain such success may be seen in his 
" Commonplaces." From this little tract we gather that the soul and life 
of his short but fruitful work as a teacher were the " truth as it is in 
Jesus." This, as the spring of all love and hope, he preached to the 
people of Scotland. He aimed to reform the national church from the 
root, not from the branches. By renewing the germ of faith and life in 
Scotland, he hoped to improve the tree and its fruits. Nor was his hope 
disappointed. True, the preacher himself was soon silenced and slain. 
But his teachings lived after him, working like leaven on the popular 
heart, till the whole was leavened. 

Hamilton had married not long after coming home from Germany, a 
decided step for a priest and abbot. His bride was a young lady of noble 
family. Her name has not been handed down to us. The reformer was 
influenced in this, says Alesius, by his hatred of Romish hypocrisy. He 
showed here Luther's disposition, declaring by word and by deed how ut- 
terly he repudiated the presumptuous, oppressive dominion of the papacy. 
But neither wedlock nor ministry was to continue long with him. The 
archbishop of St. Andrew's resumed (in 1528) the proceedings against 
him, which had been interrupted the previous year by his flight to Ger- 
many. With an affected tone of justice and moderation, Beaton sent 
a messenger to invite him to a conference at St. Andrew's over such 
points of the church's condition and administration as seemed to need 
amendment. Hamilton was not deluded by his representations. He 
clearly saw his foes' policy, and foretold the speedy result of their un- 
dertaking. Knowing well, as did Paul, that bonds and imprisonment 
awaited him in the city of the scribes and pharisees, he yet felt bound 
in spirit to go thither, not counting his life dear unto himself, so that he 
mi"-lit finish his course with joy, and the ministry which he had received 
u , „ , of the Lord Jesus to testify the gospel of the grace of God. 

GoesboWlyto J , . , .,,, „ T 

St. Andrews. (j n hi s arrival at St. Andrews, about the middle of Jan- 
uary, the proposed conference took place, and was continued through 
several days. The archbishop and his coadjutors, still affecting modera- 
tion, seemed to approve the reformer's views in many respects. At the 
close of the conference Hamilton was allowed to go freely about the city 


and the university, declaring his views without restraint in public and 
in private. By this policy of hypocrisy and delay his opponents would 
accomplish several objects. They would gain time for intrigue, and 
for securing the consent of the political leaders of the country to the 
tragic result that was coming. They also gave Hamilton opportunity 
and inducement to publish his opinions without reserve in a city peopled 
with their own allies. Every new expression of his hostility to the 
church was at once taken down, and used as a weapon for his destruc- 

The good cause was nevertheless essentially assisted by delay : for the 
diligent reformer used the favorable opening, unexpectedly made, to the 
best advantage. He taught and disputed in public in the university on 
all the points wherein he sought a reform in church doctrine, administra- 
tion of sacraments, or other observances. He kept on thus for a whole 
month. This busy time of public debate and private conference was a 
precious seed-sowing. At St. Andrew's he was in the church metropolis. 
He was meeting leading men of all classes, beyond what was possible in 
any other single city of Scotland, — professors and students, deans and 
canons, secular and spiritual members of orders, Augustines, Domini- 
cans, and Franciscans. They all heard his voice and felt the power of 
his teaching. At last the moment arrived when Beaton and his advisers 
thought it safe to unmask. A summons was sent Hamilton, notifying 
him to appear before the primate on a day named, to meet the charge of 
teaching divers heresies. Hamilton's friends, seeing what would come, 
urged him, while still at liberty, to save himself by flight. He utterly 
refused to fly from St. Andrew's. He was come hither, he said, to 
build up believers by his death as a martyr. To turn his back would set 
a stone of stumbling in the way, to cause some at least to fall. 

Going before the archbishop and his associate judges, Hamilton was 
charged with teaching heresies as set forth in thirteen articles. He made 
answer that certain of the articles were matters of controversy. He 
could not pronounce for or against them till he had further evidence. 
The first seven articles contained teachings unquestionably true, and he 
was prepared to defend them. The articles were then submitted to the 
consideration of an assembly of theologians, Hamilton, in the mean time, 
being allowed to go at large. But soon all was ready for the close of 
the tragedy. The reformer was arrested and taken to the castle of St. 
Andrew's. The last of February he was brought before Is t n hia 
a court of heresy, made up of prelates, abbots, priors, and triaL 
doctors, sitting in imposing assembly in the metropolitan cathedral. The 
theologians delivered their condemnation of the articles to the court, pro- 
nouncing their teachings opposed to the church and heretical. Then the 
monk Campbell arose and read the articles in a loud voice, turning one 
after another of them into an indictment against the reformer. " I my- 


self," says Alesius, "was an eye-witness of the tragedy, and heard him 
reply to the charges which were brought against him. He was very far 
from denying them ; on the contrary, maintaining and establishing all of 
them by clear proofs, out of the Holy Scripture, and combating the 
views of his accuser." At last Campbell closed, and turned to the court 
for new instructions. " Read aloud the indictment," cried the bishop ; 
" add new charges; call him a heretic to his face ! " " Heretic!" shouted 
the Dominican, turning to the pulpit where Hamilton stood. " No, my 
brother," answered Hamilton gently ; " thou in thy heart dost not count 
me a heretic ; in thy conscience thou knowest that I am no heretic." 
This personal appeal must have gone to the monk's heart, for in several 
private conferences he had confessed to Hamilton that in many points he 
agreed with him. Still, Campbell had engaged, in a mean way, to play 
a part, and he had to play the part through. " Heretic," he again cried, 
" thou sayest that it is granted all persons to read God's Word, and es- 
pecially the New Testament!" " I wot not," replied Hamilton, ''if I said 
so ; but I say now it is reason and lawful to all to read God's Word and 
to understand the same, and in particular the last will and testament of 
Jesus Christ, by which men are led to see their sins and repent of them, 
to amend their lives by faith and contrition, and to seek the mercy of God 
in Jesus Christ." " Heretic, thou sayest it is but lost labor to call on 
the saints, and in particular on the Virgin Mary, as mediators with God 
for us." " I say with Paul that there is no mediator between God and 
man save Jesus Christ his Son, and whoever they be who invoke or sup- 
plicate any departed saint, they spoil Jesus Christ of his office." " Her- 
etic, thou sayest it is vain to sing soul-masses and psalms for the relaxa- 
tion of souls departed, who are in the torments of purgatory!" "My 
brother, I have never in God's Word read of such a place as purgatory, 
nor yet believe I that there is anything that can purge the souls of men 
except the blood of Jesus Christ. Their ransom is by no earthly thing, 
neither by soul-masses, nor gold, nor silver, but by repentance for their 
sins, and by faith in the blood of Jesus Christ." Such was Hamilton's 
noble confession in presence of that solemn tribunal. He declared the 
whole truth of God. He spoke the truth in love, calling his shameless 
and false accuser by the name of brother. 

Sentence of condemnation was passed. Its execution was appointed 
for that very day. The bishop having reason to fear that the liberation 
of the prisoner might be attempted by armed citizens, the usual forms 
of deposition from the office of priest were omitted. In the space of 
an hour or two after Hamilton had received his sentence in the cathe- 
His death of ag- ^ral, tne sta ^ e afc which he should die was made ready by 
° n y- the executioner, opposite the gate of the College of St. Sal- 

vador. When the martyr came in sight of the fateful place, about noon, 
he bared his head, and, looking upwards, prayed to Him who only could 


grant him a martyr's strength and triumph. When he reached the stake, 
he gave to a friend a copy of the New Testament, his long-time com- 
panion, removed his hat and coat and other outer garments and gave 
them to his servant, with the words, " These will not profit in the fire, but 
they will profit thee. Hereafter thou canst have from me no profit ex- 
cept the example of my death, which I pray thee keep in memory ; for 
though bitter to the flesh and fearful before man, it is the door to eternal 
life, which none will attain who denies Christ Jesus before this ungodly 

The archbishop's officers made a last endeavor to shake his courage 
They promised him life if he would recant the confession made in the 
cathedral. "My confession," he answered, "I will not deny through 
fear of your fire, for my confession and faith rest upon Jesus Christ. As 
regards your sentence against me this day, I make appeal here, in the 
presence of all, against that sentence and decision, and commit me to the 
grace of God." The executioners proceeded to their office. He was made 
fast to the stake, and powder placed under the fagots and lighted. Still, 
though the flame was thrice kindled, it did not reach the stake. Dry wood 
and more powder were brought from the castle. The pangs of the martyr 
were thus dreadfully prolonged. Alesius, who witnessed the whole scene, 
tells us that his execution lasted almost six hours, and in all that time he 
assures us the martyr gave no sign of .impatience or of anger. When sur- 
rounded and consumed by the blazing fire, he remembered, in the midst of 
his agony, his widowed mother, and in the closing moments commended 
her to the care of his friends. His last audible words were, " How long, 
O Lord, shall darkness brood over this realm ? How long wilt Thou 
suffer this tyranny of man ? Lord Jesus, receive my spirit." 

In this tragic yet glorious way Patrick Hamilton met death, February 
29, 1528, — the noble martyr of a noble cause. He found it impossible, 
while the Roman church remained entire and supreme in Scotland, to give 
a long life of labor to the cause of the gospel, once more advancing. 
He therefore accepted joyfully the honor of promoting it by heroic stead- 
fastness and devotion in dying. Scotland needed such a martyr that she 
might be shaken to her foundations. There was more awakening power 
in such a death than in the labors of a lengthened life. If his words were 
few, they proved to be seed words, and fruitful. They were the words of 
the wise, which are as goads and as nails fastened in a sure place. His 
fiery torture fastened and stamped them forever in the heart of the 

At Marburg the surprise of the reformers and their sorrow were equal. 
" He came to your university," wrote Lambert, in a Latin memorial, to 
the landgrave Philip of Hesse, a few months after this, " away from 
Scotland, that far-off corner of the earth, and then returned thither to be 
its first and its renowned apostle. He was all fire and zeal to confess 


Christ's name, and has offered himself to God a holy and living sacrifice. 
He brought to God's church not only the renown of his position and tal- 
ents, but his very life. This flower of glorious fragrance, nay, this ripe 
fruit, your university has produced in its very beginning. Ye are not 
disappointed in your hopes. Ye founded the school hoping that from it 
should go forth fearless confessors of Christ and steadfast champions of 
his truth. Behold, ye already have such an one, — an example everyway 
glorious ! Others, if it be God's will, will soon follow after." — P. L. 


A. D. 1500 ?-A. D. 1546. CLERICAL LEADER, — SCOTLAND. 

At the death of James Fifth of Scotland (December 18, 1542), his 
daughter, afterwards Mary Queen of Scots, was but ten days old. Under 
James, who favored arts and sciences, and invited scholars into the king- 
dom, the doctrines of Calvin had entered the country and been accepted 
by many Scotchmen of all classes. The papists had grown enraged, and 
had succeeded in bringing a number of Protestants to the stake. Their 
leaders now were the queen mother, of the family of Guise, in France, 
and cardinal Beaton. The other side were led by Lord Hamilton, of 
Arran, the head of the regency. The enraged cardinal sought in every 
way to strengthen himself. He purposed to put down the Scotch nobil- 
ity by the help of French troops, and with it the new doctrine. One of 
the victims of his rage was George Wishart, the Christian martyr. 

Wishart came from a family (in Pittarow, in Mearns) of which sev- 
eral members were already Protestants. He studied at Cambridge, re- 
turning to Scotland in 1544. He was too full of love to God to stand an 
Constrained to ^ e spectator 0I> the ignorance of his people, and was COn- 
preach. strained to preach the gospel fervently and mightily. He 
began his mission in Montrose, with great blessing. Persecuted in that 
city, he turned to Dundee. Here he gave lectures upon Romans, sur- 
prising all and converting many. The clergy, excited, announced that 
their pretended New Testament was a heretical book, written by a cer- 
tain Martin Luther, whom the devil had sent to earth to mislead souls. 
Wishart replied, but was ordered by the authorities to leave Dundee. 
He departed, and was made welcome in other places. He preached in 
many parishes of Ayrshire, and often in the fields to great multitudes. 
He spoke with ravishing eloquence of " the King in his beauty," and of 
" the land which is very far off," thousands hanging upon his words. 

Wishart's labors here were interrupted by the news that the plague had 
entered Dundee. He was greatly moved, for Dundee lay near his heart. 
Not content with praying for the city, he hastened back thither at all haz- 


ards. The clay after his arrival he gathered the people at the East 
Gate, the well citizens inside, the sick outside, the gate, and preached 
to them out of the overflowing faith in God which filled his own heart. 
His text was, " He sent his word, and healed them." (Psalms cvii. 20.) 
A general awakening followed, with extraordinary results. Every day 
he made that gate his pulpit, preaching the word of life, while he went 
from house to house visiting the sick and dying, and comforting them. 
Even at this moment his foes sought his life, putting an assassin upon 
his path. A priest hired by Beaton to carry out their bloody purposes 
attempted it in the very place where Wishart preached ! The design was 
frustrated. Its disclosure endeared Wishart to the popular heart, and 
increased the zeal of the preacher, who counted that his time was short. 

After the close of the plague, or after the worst was past, Wishart 
went again to Montrose. While he labored there, studying and preach- 
ing, his life was sought again by Beaton. When Lord Hamilton would 
not consent to an open arrest, Beaton aimed to entrap Wishart in se- 
cret. By forged letters, written as if from friends desiring his ministe- 
rial help, the cardinal planned to get him into his power. The plan had 
almost succeeded, when it was revealed, and Wishart saved for a while 
longer. Yet he said, " As soon as God ends one conflict there is a sum- 
mons to another." His friends in Ayrshire wished him to meet them in 
Edinburgh, " for they would secure a public debate from the bishops, and 
he should be openly heard." He assented, and at the time appointed 
left Montrose, amid the prayers and tears of the disciples. On his way 
he was profoundly affected in spirit, and said, " I am convinced that my 
work draws near an end. God bids me therefore not now to turn back, 
when the conflict is at its height." 

He went with a few friends to Leith, without finding those whom he 
expected. He remained in hiding here and in other places for some 
time, not, however, ceasing to preach. About Christmas he went to Had- 
dington, where he expected many hearers. Lord Bothwell, however, at 
the instigation of the cardinal, prevented their assembling. Wishart 
said then to John Knox, who was with him, " I am weary of the world, 
for the world seems to be weary of God." To the few faithful friends 
and believing followers of Christ who gathered about him at the close 
of his testimony he bade a solemn, affectionate farewell. Deeming that 
he had preached his last sermon, he went the same night to ,,-■„ , 

* o will go alone 

Ormiston. John Knox would have gone with him, but int0 P eril - 
Wishart would not permit him, saying, " No, no ; one is sufficient for one 
sacrifice." Some friends passed the evening with him, spending the 
time in religious exercises ; afterwards Wishart retired to rest. About 
midnight Lord Bothwell surrounded the house with a troop of soldiers. 
Resistance or escape was out of the question. As soon as Wishart per- 
ceived this he bade his friends open the door, and with cheerful resignation 


said, " The good will of my God be done." Taken by the cardinal, he 
was led to Edinburgh. Near the last of January he was carried to St. 
Andrew's, whither the cardinal called the bishops and all the church dig- 
nitaries. He purposed to give his proceeding dignity and importance, 
and so sought to involve the bishops in Wishart's condemnation. The 
summons was obeyed. With great array and with military escort they 
marched to the abbey church. The sub-prior Winram, who was sus- 
pected of favoring the gospel, was ordered to preach. Beaton aimed to 
secure an open expression of the views imputed to him, or a retraction of 
them by a discourse in favor of the church's authority and doctrine. 
Winram, whom he hoped thus to entrap, spoke ably, but circumspectly. 
Wishart was next placed in the pulpit, that he might be seen the better 
by all as he listened to the charges read by a certain priest named Lauder. 
After the close of the indictment, Lauder spat out bitterly and contemptu- 
ously at Wishart : " What answerest thou to these charges, thou renegade, 
traitor, and rogue ? " The articles on which Wishart was condemned 
need hardly be repeated. Among them were the charges of rejecting 
the authority of church and pope, the seven sacraments and purgatory, 
the sinfulness of eating meats on Friday, and prayers to saints and 
angels. He was held up as an embodiment of ungodliness. His defense 
was calm, strong, and unanswerable. His arguments were so power- 
ful that the prelates themselves said, " If we suffer him to preach, he is 
Doomed to die s0 cra fty an & we ^ versed in Scripture that he will win the 
at the stake. people to his belief and excite them against us." He was 
doomed to die at the stake. The sentence was pronounced by the car- 

Led back to prison, he stayed till the fire was prepared. Then, with a 
rope round his neck and a chain about his body, he was taken to the 
stake and secured. His Christian courage did not forsake him. He ex- 
horted the assembled people to seek repentance, faith, and holiness, de- 
fended himself against the reproaches of his enemies, and talked of the 
blessing and glory of other days, when the ark of God would sail tri- 
umphing over the floods ; humbly and heartily praying, not for himself 
alone, but for all God's persecuted people, and for his persecutors and 
murderers that they might have repentance, enlightenment, and pardon. 
His submission, heroism, and death agony affected the people deeply. 
Murmurs arose as the flames crackled about him and painfully tortured 
him. Cheerful he waited, till his soul ascended to his Lord. His body 
was left a mere heap of ashes. Thus, on March 1, 1546, George Wishart 
was tried, sentenced, and burned to death. — C. B. 

Cent. XVI.] JOHN KNOX. 413 



The renowned Scottish reformer, John Knox, was born in 1505, near 
Haddington, the shire town of East Lothian. His father, though not no- 
ble, was of an ancient respectable family, and gave his boy a classical edu- 
cation. When young Knox had learned the elements in the Latin school 
of Haddington, he was sent to Glasgow University (1521). He there 
enjoyed the instructions of the learned John Mair (or Major), having as 
a fellow-student the famous scholar, George Buchanan. Of his early life, 
or the events which led him to embrace Protestantism, there is little 
known. He became a priest about 1530, and it appears was connected 
for some time with a cqnvent in his native county. He early renounced, as 
did his fellow-student Buchanan, the subtleties of the scholastic theology. 
He applied himself to the Bible, as well as to the writings of Jerome and 
Augustine. Gradually he opened his heart to receive the doctrines of 
redemption, which were echoing from Germany to Scotland, and which 
his youthful and noble countryman, Patrick Hamilton, had of late sealed 
with his blood. 

Knox first betrayed his change of sentiment in certain lectures in the 
university at St. Andrew's, where Hamilton had perished in Knox bpo . ins re _ 
the fire. His defection aroused the clergy to denounce him form work - 
as a traitor, and deprive him of his priesthood. He escaped death only 
by timely flight from the vengeance of cardinal Beaton, who had engaged 
his emissaries to lay hold of him. He found protection under Douglas 
of Langniddrie, and employment as a tutor. Knox next appears in the 
company of George Wishart. The sword which was carried before the 
preacher after the attempt to assassinate him in Dundee was borne by 
Knox. On the night when the noble martyr was arrested, at the cardi- 
nal's command, he ordered that the sword be taken from his zealous 
attendant. Knox begged for leave to follow him, but Wishart answered, 
" Nay, return to your bairnes [meaning his pupils], and God blis you ; 
ane is sufficient for a sacrifice." 

The cruel martyrdom of him whom Knox revered as his spiritual 
father, and whom for his endearing qualities he cherished as a brother, 
made certainly a powerful impression on the ardent soul of the reformer. 
Knox himself was in constant peril from the bloody foe. We find him, 
after the murder of the Romanist Beaton, seeking a refuge in St. An- 
drew's Castle, which the cardinal's slayers held as a safe resort from the 
persecutions of the papists. There an event befell him which had the 
most serious bearing upon all his future. Until now Knox's utterances 
in favor of reformed doctrines had been private, consisting in Bible expo- 


sitions to his pupils and his neighbors. He had never undertaken the 
place of a public preacher. Nor did he consider his office as priest 
enough to justify him in doing so, without a call from a Christian con- 
gregation. He received this call in the most unlooked-for manner. 
Among the Protestants taking refuge in St. Andrew's Castle were Sir 
David Lindsay of the Mount, the poet and the scourger of the priesthood ; 
Henry Balnaves, one of those stout barons who lent aid by pen and 
sword to the Scotch Reformation ; and John Rough, a noted reformed 
preacher. These men quickly recognized in Knox's ability and skill in 
giving instruction to his pupils the germs of an energy and popular elo- 
quence that were destined to earn him renown. They urged him to 
undertake the preacher's work. Knox, distrusting his own ability, and 
entertaining a lofty idea of the importance of the office, steadfastly de- 
clined. Finally, by a mutual agreement, without letting Knox know 
anything of their design, they resolved to take him by storm. On a cer- 
tain day after Rough had preached a sermon on the election of ministers, 
wherein he maintained the right of a Christian congregation, however 
small, to choose its own preacher, he turned suddenly to Knox, and said, 
" Brother, you shall not be offended, although I speak unto you that 
which I have in charge even from all those that are here present, which 
is this : In the name of God, and of his Son Jesus Christ, and in the name 
of all that presently call you by my mouth, I charge you that you refuse 
not this holy vocation ; but, as you tender the glory of God, the increase 
of Christ's kingdom, and the comfort of me whom you understand well 
enough to be oppressed by the multitude of labors, that you take the public 
office and charge of preaching, even as you look to avoid God's heavy dis- 
pleasure and desire that He shall multiply his graces unto you." Then, 
addressing himself to the congregation, he said, " Was not this your 
charge unto me, and do ye not approve this vocation ? " They all an- 
swered, "It was, and we approve it." Overwhelmed by the scene, Knox 
attempted to address the audience. His feelings mastered him ; he burst 
into tears, and hastened from the church. Yet, though he feared and 
trembled, he accepted the office so solemnly and unexpectedly laid upon 
Knox's first mm * On ^he ^ a y appointed he appeared in the pulpit, and 
preaching. ^ 00 ^ ^jg ^ ex ^ f rom Daniel vii. 25: "And he shall speak 

great words against the Most High, and shall wear out the saints of the 
Most High, and think to change times and laws," a choice which reveals 
directly his view of the papacy, and the confidence with which he antici- 
pated its overthrow. 

Knox's ministerial work, entered upon by him so hastily, was inter- 
rupted just as suddenly. St. Andrew's Castle was attacked by a French 
fleet, and its garrison compelled to surrender. They, and Knox along 
with them, were made prisoners of war, carried to France, and sentenced 
to work upon the galleys. Fastened by chains, they were exposed to all 

Cent. XVI.] JOHN KNOX. ' 415 

the indignities with which papists were accustomed to treat those whom 
they called heretics. Their confinement lasted nineteen months, in which 
time Knox and his comrades were visited with all kinds of inducements 
and threats, in order to turn them from their faith. At last, by the in- 
tercession of Edward Sixth, they were set free. Knox repaired to Eng- 
land, and received an appointment at once from the deeply loved and 
greatly cherished king as one of his preachers. In this office he served 
two years at Berwick and Newcastle. The next two he was in London, 
as one of the six royal chaplains appointed by the privy council. He 
was even named as bishop of Rochester, but declined the preferment. 
Already long before his visit to Geneva, Knox was at heart a Presby- 
terian. After a sojourn of five years in England, during which he as- 
sisted Cranmer in reforming the church's doctrine and worship, he mar- 
ried Marjory Bowes, a lady of good family, whom he had met during his 
residence at Berwick. 

On the death of good king Edward and the accession of the cruel 
and bigoted Mary (1553), Knox was forced to think of his K noX withCai- 
personal safety. 1 He is found in Geneva (1554), cement- vin - 
ing a friendship with Calvin, which remained unbroken as long as they 
both lived. He writes at this period, "Albeit that I have in the begin- 
ning of this battle appeared to play the faint-hearted and feeble soldier 
(the cause I remit to God), yet my prayer is that I may be restored to 
the battle again." At the close of this year he received a call to be min- 
ister to the English congregation at Frankfort- on-the-Main. By reason 
of disputes there, in reference to the use of the English liturgy and di- 
vers ceremonies, he felt obliged to give up his office. The next year 
(1555) we find him once more on the shores of Scotland, "restored to 
the battle again." He stayed in his home but a short time. He found 
Scotland groaning under persecution, but hardly ready for deliverance. 
Having received an invitation to Geneva from his exiled countrymen, he 
returned to that city (July, 1556), and remained there until the begin- 
ning of 1559. Though parted from his uative land, his heart yearned 
towards his countrymen. He employed his pen to comfort them in their 
trials, and to strengthen their Christian constancy. At this period Knox 
published his renowned " First Blast of the Trumpet against the Mon- 
strous Regiment of Women." Its occasion was the tyranny of Bloody 
Mary, as the English queen was called, on account of the number of 
executions under her reign. The open declarations of this book against 
women's rule caused its author serious embarrassment afterwards, dur- 
ing the reign of Elizabeth in England and Mary Stuart in Scotland. 
Mary of England dying, and Elizabeth's accession opening brilliant pros- 

1 Knox's wife, Marjory, remained in her home until 1556, and then joined her husband 
and shared his fortunes, dying in Edinburgh, 1560. She was the mother of two sons. 
In 1561 Knox married a daughter of Lord Ochiltree, whom he left a widow, with three 


pects to Protestantism, Knox took his final farewell of Geneva, and set 
out for his native country (January, 1559). He found Scotland ready 
to cast off the Roman yoke, which had now become hateful to the entire 
nation. The luxury, depravity, and tyranny of the clergy had estranged 
the people. Their avarice and pride had excited the enmity of the no- 
bility. A succession of cruelties against the reformed, culminating in 
the burning alive of an old man named Walter Mill, had awakened sym- 
pathy for their victims. The attempts of the queen regent, Mary Guise, 
Knox preaches to extirpate Protestants by French assistance roused Scot- 
in Edinburgh, tish courage and patriotism. Knox, after his election by 
the Edinburgh Protestants as their preacher, went on a crusade against 
popery throughout divers cities of the kingdom. His manly and telling 
preaching created the most astonishing result. The people rose up, tore 
the images ' out of the churches, and in some places, going beyond the 
wish or purpose of the reformers, destroyed a number of convents. 
Finally, after the queen regent's death, the Scotch Parliament assembled 
(August 1, 1560). Accepting the religious situation, it asked from the 
reformers a confession of their faith as opposed to popish errors. This 
was very promptly prepared by Knox and his associates. No opposition 
being raised by the popish bishops, the confession was approved by Par- 
liament (August 17th), and the Protestant religion formally established. 
In connection therewith Knox prepared " The Book of Discipline," with 
the aim to establish a constitution for the reformed church of Scotland. 
The book in its foundation thought and plan favors presbyterian gov- 
ernment. It closely resembles the Geneva and French books, such 
changes being introduced as were required to adapt it to the institutions 
of Scotland. It recognizes no office above the pastorate ; yet, till the 
presbyteries were constituted, there were to be men known as superin- 
tendents, to attend to planting churches and to overseeing great districts. 
Doctors and teachers of theology were also recognized as church officers. 
Each pastor was to be supported in church rule by a company of or- 
dained elders, and in the administration of secular matters by deacons. 
All these officers were regularly installed after election by the people. 
The courts of the church were the session, presbytery, synod, and gen- 
eral assembly. The public worship was to be held according to the direct- 
ory modeled on the pattern of Geneva. This constitution, though ac- 
cepted by the church, was not recognized by the civil power. This was 
due to the avarice of the nobility, who raised objections against appro- 
priating the revenues of the old church, as fittingly proposed by Knox, 
to the support of religion and education. 

By the arrival of queen Mary Stuart at Edinburgh (August, 1561), 
Knox and Mary our reformer was engaged in a new conflict. Tlie young 
Stuart. an( j beautiful queen was received by her subjects with huz- 

zas. But she brought from France a spirit steeped in the prejudices of 

Cent. XVI.] JOHN KNOX. 417 

the Romish church, and a resolution, formed in concert with the house of 
Lorraine, to restore the old religion in her dominions. Accordingly, she 
prepared to celebrate high mass in Holyrood Chapel the first Sunday after 
her arrival. The excitement produced by this was immense, for the mass 
had been forbidden by Parliament as gross idolatry. Knox looked on 
the revival of the forbidden rite as a step towards the overthrow of the 
reformation so happily begun. He declared from his pulpit the next 
Sunday that " one mass was more fearful unto him than if ten thousand 
armed enemies were landed in any part of the realm of purpose to sup- 
press the whole religion." On account of this and other sharp speeches 
he was summoned to an interview with the queen. She charged him 
with stirring up her subjects against her, and among other things up- 
braided him with sedition, by reason of his book on women's government. 
He vindicated himself from the charge of disloyalty. The conversation 
then turned on the nice point of popular resistance to civil power. Knox 
maintained that a ruler might be resisted, illustrating by the case of a fa- 
ther who, through madness, tried to slay his children. " Now, madame, if 
the children arise, join together, apprehend the father, take the sword from 
him, bind his hands, and keep him in prison till the frenzy be over, think 
you, madame, that the children do any wrong ? Even so, madame, is it 
with princes that would murder the children of God that are subject unto 
them." Dazed by the boldness of this answer, the queen sat some time 
in silent stupor, and then said, " Well, then, I perceive that my subjects 
shall obey you, and not me, and will do what they please, and not what I 
command." " God forbid," replied the reformer, " that ever I take upon 
me to command any to obey me, or to set subjects at liberty to do what- 
ever pleases them. But my travail is that both princes and subjects may 
obey God. Queens should be nursing mothers to the church." " But 
you are not the church that I will nourish," said the queen. " I will de- 
fend the church of Rome, for it is, I think, the true church of God." 
" Your will, madame, is no reason, neither doth your thought make the 
Roman harlot to be the true and immaculate spouse of Jesus Christ." 
" My conscience is not so," said the queen. " Conscience, madame, re- 
quires knowledge, and I fear that right knowledge you have none." 
" But I have both heard and read." " So, madame, did the Jews who 
crucified Christ. Have you heard any teach but such as the pope and 
the cardinals have allowed ? You may be assured that such will speak 
nothing to offend their own estate." " You interpret the Scriptures in 
one way," said the queen, evasively, " and they in another ; whom shall 
I believe, and who shall be judge ? " " You shall believe God," replied 
Knox, " who plainly speaketh in his Word, above your majesty and the 
most learned papists of all Europe." He offered to show that papal 
doctrine had no foundation in God's Word. " Well," said she, " you may 
perchance have opportunity therefor sooner than you think." " Assur- 


edly," said Knox, " if ever I get that in my life, I shall get it sooner than 
I believe ; for the ignorant papist cannot patiently reason, and the learned 
and crafty papist will never come in your audience, madame, to have the 
ground of his religion searched out." At the close of this singular 
conversation, the reformer, as he took leave of the queen, with reverent 
obeisance said, " I pray God, madame, that you may be blessed within 
the commonwealth of Scotland as greatly as ever Deborah was in the 
commonwealth of Israel." 

Some time after this, on the news of the massacre of the Protestants 
of Vassy, by the queen's uncle, the duke of Guise, Mary gave her for- 
eign servants a brilliant ball, continuing the dance till the late hours. 
Knox expressed himself upon this in severe terms from the pulpit, and 
was again summoned before the queen. To vindicate himself Knox re- 
peated his sermon to Mary, who at its close uttered a warning to him. 
" He is not afraid," murmured one of her attendants. " Why should 
the pleasing face of a gentlewoman affray me ? " said he, regarding them 
with a sarcastic frown. "I have looked in the faces of many angry 
men, and yet have not been affrayed above measure." While Knox had 
reason to be disturbed under Mary's rule, she and her papal advisers had 
equal reason to be in dread of the fearless reformer. At every sign of 
danger to the Reformation cause, he blew the alarm. He 

Knox's heroic ° . - 

position. cheered the desponding, exhorted the wavering, and pointed. 

• out the unfaithful. We can obtain a picture of the effect of his pulpit 
efforts from the report of an English ambassador, who says in a letter 
to secretary Cecil, " I assure you the voice of one man can put more life 
into us in one hour than six hundred trumpeters blowing incessantly in 
our ears." 

The last interview of the reformer with the unhappy princess was 
stormier than the preceding, and on both sides very characteristic. He 
had wounded the queen deeply by his discourse against her marriage with 
the unprincipled and unfortunate Darnley. Never had princess been 
treated as she was, she passionately exclaimed. She had borne his severe 
speeches, she had sought his favor by all means. " And yet," said she, 
"I can never be quit of you. I vow to God I shall once be revenged." 
With these words she burst into tears. Her attendants tried to soothe 
her excitement, resorting to all kinds of courtly flatteries. In the midst 
of the scene the stout, unbending spirit of the reformer showed itself. He 
stood unmoved in presence of beauty and royalty though bathed in tears. 
After the queen had vented her emotions, he proceeded to defend him- 
self. Out of his pulpit, he said, few had occasion to be offended with 
him. He could hardly see his own boys weep when he corrected them 
for their faults ; far less could he rejoice in her majesty's tears. But in 
the pulpit he was not his own master, but bound to obey Him who com- 
manded him to speak plainly and flatter no flesh on the face of the earth. 

Cent. XVI.J JOHN KNOX. 419 

He had only discharged his duty, and was forced, therefore, rather to see 
her tears than hurt his conscience or betray the commonwealth. Knox's 
defense only inflamed the queen's anger. She ordered him to withdraw. 
While he awaited the queen's pleasure in an adjoining apartment, among 
the queen's ladies, he could not forbear gently speaking of the extrava- 
gance of their dress. " fair ladies, how pleasing were this life of yours 
if it should ever abide, and then in the end that we might pass to heaven 
with all this gay gear ! Fye on that knave, Death, who comes whether 
we will or will not ! " 

The enemies of Knox soon took opportunity to satisfy Mary's wrath 
bv bringing against him a charge of high treason. He „ 

J » » o ° o Knox charged 

was accused of writing circular letters to the leading Prot- with high trea- 
estant nobles, inviting them to be present at the trials of 
two persons who were accused of disturbing the celebration of mass. 
His best friends, seeing the peril in which he was, counseled Knox to 
throw himself on the queen's mercy. This he utterly refused, conscious 
of having done his duty. On the day appointed, he appeared before an 
extraordinary assembly of counselors and nobles, who were to investigate 
the matter. When the queen took her place in the council, and saw 
Knox standing uncovered at the end of the table, she could not withhold 
an expression of triumph. She burst into loud laughter, and said, point- 
ing to him, " That man made me weep, and never shed a tear. Now will 
I see if I can make him weep." Knox, unmoved by the imposing con- 
course, maintained his cause with such dexterity, and exposed the danger 
of Protestants from papal machinations so tellingly, that, although his 
judges were in part his personal enemies, he was honorably acquitted, to 
Mary's anger and mortification. "That night," writes Knox in his his- 
tory, " was neither dancing nor fiddling in the court, for madame was 
disappointed of her purpose, which was to have John Knox in her will, 
by vote of her nobility." 

When the murder of Puzzio, Mary's favorite, brought the queen's 
displeasure upon the Protestant nobility, Knox thought it prudent, on 
account of the hatred cherished against him, to leave Edinburgh and to 
withdraw to Ayrshire. Soon, however, the crimes and misfortunes of the 
unhappy Mary, following one upon another in quick succession, opened 
the way for his return. He had found no stronger supporter among the 
Scotch nobility than James, earl of Murray, the regent of the kingdom, — 
" a truly good man," as archbishop Spottiswood writes, and worthy of a 
place among the best rulers Scotland ever had. Even to-day he is hon- 
ored as the " good regent." The very virtues of Murray had, in this rude, 
disturbed period, made him enemies. His overthrow was plotted, and in 
January, 1570, he was shamefully slain in the streets of Linlithgow. 
The sorrow of Knox over this sad event was increased by other circum- 
stances which clouded the closing days of his life. He was taken soon 


after with paralysis, and never entirely recovered. He was at conflict 
with the party which adhered to the exiled and imprisoned queen. He 
was loaded with reproaches and calumnies by the friends of popery. 
He was troubled by coldness, apostasy, and self-seeking in religious 
things on the part of the rulers. His soul was rent with anguish at the 
news of the massacre of the Protestants in Paris, and throughout France, 
on the night of St. Bartholomew's. The old warrior, weak in body and 
worn in spirit, sighed for release. " Weary of the world " and " longing 
for departure " are expressions constantly recurring in all that he wrote 
at this period. His life was again in peril. On one occasion a shot was 
fired at the window where he usually sat. The bullet struck the lamp 
in front of him, and buried itself in the ceiling of the room. He with- 
drew for a time to St. Andrew's. Naught, however, quenched the ardor 
Faithful unto °f ^ s sou ^' or shook his steadfastness. He continued till the 
death. j ast t0 wi^ as h e sa {^ « w ith his dying hand," and to 

preach with that ardor which even his infirmity could not destroy. " In 
the opening of his text," writes excellent James Melville, who heard 
him at St. Andrew's, " he was moderate the space of half of an half 
hour ; but when he entered to application, he made me so grew [thrill] 
and tremble that I could not hold a pen to write. He was very weak. 
I saw him every day of his doctrine go hulie and fear [slowly and warily], 
with a furring of masticks about his neck, a stafFe in the ane hand, and 
guid godly Richard Ballanden, his servant, holding up the other arm, 
from the abbey to the parish kirk, and by the said Richard and another 
servant lifted up to the pulpit, where he behooved to lean, at his first 
entry. But ere he had done with his sermon he was sae active and vig- 
orous that he was lyke to ding the pulpit in blads [beat the pulpit in 
pieces], and flie out of it." 

The reformer's precious life, nevertheless, ran quickly to its close. He 
returned to Edinburgh, and preached his last sermon in the church of 
the Tolbooth, at the installation of Lawson, his colleague and successor. 
When with loving but trembling voice he had uttered the benediction, 
he descended from the pulpit, and, leaning on an attendant, crept down 
the street, which was lined with the congregation. Anxious to take the 
last look at their beloved pastor, they followed him till he entered, for the 
last time, that little house in the Canongate, which even to our day has 
been preserved in memory of the reformer. In the closing days his spirit 
was clouded by gloomy temptations. To such a spirit as his they were 
as painful as death itself. He soon mastered these, and was able to 
give a testimony to the truth of the gospel, which he had preached so 
faithfully, to his elders and many friends who visited him on his dying 
bed. To each and all he gave suitable admonitions. At last his speech 
began to fail. He desired his wife to read him the fifteenth chapter of 
the first epistle to the Corinthians. " Is not that a comfortable chapter ? " 


said he. " Oh, what sweet and salutary consolation the Lord has afforded 
me from that chapter." " Now, for the last time, I commend my soul, 
spirit, and body [touching three of his fingers as he spoke the words] 
into thy hand, O Lord." Then he said to his wife, " Read where I cast 
my first anchor." She read the seventeenth chapter of John's Gospel. 
He lay quiet for some hours. At ten o'clock they read the evening prayer, 
from the " Directory for Worship." When they asked him whether he 
heard the prayers, he replied, " Would to God that you and all men had 
heard thern as I have heard them. I praise God for that heavenly sound." 
About eleven o'clock he gave a deep sigh, and said, " Now Knox - s last 
it is come." His faithful servant, Richard, saw that he was words - 
speechless, and wished him to give them a sign that he died in peace. 
Knox raised his hand, and signing twice expired without a struggle. 
Dying at sixty-seven (November 24, 1572), he was not so oppressed by 
years as by his great bodily labors and his great spiritual cares. His 
remains were laid in St. Giles Churchyard. As the body was lowered into 
the vault, regent Morton pronounced his epitaph : " There lies he who 
never feared the face of man." 

John Knox's most prominent qualities have been brought out in his 
story. Though austere, he was not fierce or revengeful ; though decided 
in his purposes, and bold, strong, and unflinching in action, he yet over- 
flowed with the milk of human kindness. He lives to us a reformer of 
heroic zeal, a preacher of power, a writer of fertility and force, a Chris- 
tian of profound piety. 1 — T. M. 


A. D. 1533-A. D. 1584. LAICAL LEADER, HOLLAND. 

The bright crown on the brow of Charles Fifth had a rich jewel in 
the seventeen Netherland provinces which after 1500 were a part of the 
Hapsburg inheritance. Their numerous, well-fortified cities had a per- 
severing, industrious population. By skill in all kinds of labor, by busy 
trading, and by attendance upon their excellent schools, their people had 
grown intelligent and rich. Great sympathy had been felt by them with 

1 The memory of the reformer, which from varied causes had fallen into oblivion, or been 
loaded in Scotland by a mass of calumnies, was by the labor of his biographer, the late 
Dr. MacCrie, again revived. In his Life of John Knox, he has dispersed the clouds of 
prejudice around that honored name, and raised a monument to the Scottish reformer, more 
glorious and enduring than memorials of brass or marble. The aim of his publication was 
not only to justify John Knox's character, but to renew a universal interest in the cause 
which Knox championed. The name of John Knox is now, what it was once before, a ral- 
lying call for all friends of the faith and polity of the Scotch Reformation. Knox left many 
writings behind, some of them polemic, others practical, the majority suggested by occur- 
rences in his life. His largest and most important work is his History of ike Reformation. 
A new and beautiful edition of this, with valuable notes, has, along with his other works, 
been published by Mr. David Laing, of Edinburgh. 


the reforming efforts of the fifteenth century. When, therefore, in the 
sixteenth century, the Reformation came like a sudden tempest over the 
West, the Netherlands presented an open door in many places — in the 
cloisters of the Augustines, among the rest — to the preaching of the 
gospel. Luther's Bible was soon translated into Dutch, and read with 
diligence. Small evangelic churches were gathered here and there, es- 
pecially in the cities. There entered a current of Calvinistic reforming 
influences, chiefly by way of France. Lutheran elements, at the same 
time, were coming down from Germany. 

Charles Fifth, a native of Ghent, was strongly attached to the Neth- 
erlands. All the more he supposed that what he had in vain attempted 
in Germany, the cleansing of his empire from heresy, he must carry 
through at any cost in the provinces. He therefore put to death the 
confessors of the gospel there by hundreds and by thousands. When 
unnumbered victims had fallen, there was a fresh beginning made by the 
imperial Inquisition, which had as yet failed of its purpose. By an edict 
of September 25, 1550, all heretics were to be killed: anabaptists and re- 
lapsed heretics to be burned alive, women heretics to be buried alive, the 
heads of the others to be put upon pillars and their goods forfeited. After 
the peace of Passau (1552) and of Augsburg (1555), the emperor saw 
that he had failed to establish a Roman Catholic empire. He was weary. 
Four weeks after the religious peace (October 28, 1555), in his palace in 
Brussels, surrounded by his magnates, Charles gave over his government 
into the hands of his son Philip. 

There have been tyrant rulers, history records, in nearly all countries, 
The era when but above all of them, at least in modern times, Philip has 
Orange arose. attained a peculiar eminence. Others have been pitiless 
and immoderately self-willed in their rule, but yet have shown some signs 
of a nobler nature. Philip reveals not the slightest trait of manhood to 
soften the picture of the worst despot ever known by a Christian people. 
He renewed at once (1555) the terrible edict of 1550. He was resolved 
to extirpate heresy in the Netherlands by the hands of the executioner. 
Philip did not blind himself to the difficulties in his way. He saw that 
he must be at peace with other lands, and hence as quickly as possible 
ended a war with France, in which he was involved. The French army 
had been beaten (August, 1557) at St. Quentin's and Gravelines by the 
count of Egmont. Instead of seizing upon the booty he had won, 
Philip made offers of peace. The noted cardinal Granvelle, a cold, sly, 
shrewd diplomatist, without a religious hair on his head, said, in the name 
of Philip, to the cardinal of Lorraine, when they met in Peronne, that 
the kings of Spain and France were alike concerned in the duty of root- 
ing out heretics. He began a negotiation, which was further prose- 
cuted by the duke of Alba before Henry Second himself. As personal 
sureties for the faithful performance by Philip of certain stipulations, 


several of his nobles journeyed to Paris, and among them William of 
Orange. The French king, supposing him a trusted participant in the 
purposes of Philip, did not hesitate, when on a hunt with him in the for- 
est of Vinoennes, to speak of the plan devised by himself and the duke 
of Alba. William of Orange to his horror heard that nothing less was 
intended than a second Sicilian vespers, in which the Protestant chiefs 
should in one day be blotted from both kingdoms. The carrying out 
of this plan was frustrated by the splinter of Montgomery's spear which 
entered the eye of Henry in a tournament at Paris, and caused his death. 
Nevertheless, the plan had this immense result: that it first started Will- 
iam of Orange upon a road where he soon found himself forced to give 
battle with that reactionary force which threatened all the later civiliza- 
tion of West Europe, and thus to become the saviour of Protestantism 
in Holland, the founder of the modern Netherlands, and the bulwark 
of civil and religious liberty. 

In the lovely valley of the Dill, which flows into the Lahn near Wetz- 
lar, lies the village of Dillenburg, with its ancient crumbling His birth and 
castle, whose towers gleam afar. Here William of Orange early y ears - 
first saw the light. He was the eldest son of Count William of Nassau- 
Dillenburg and his second wife, Juliana von Stolberg. When a boy he 
inherited from his cousin Renatus the sovereign principality of Orange. 
His education was intrusted to queen Mary of Hungary, a sister of the 
emperor Charles, and viceroy of the Netherlands, with her residence in 
Brussels. His especial teacher was a brother of Granvelle. Thus Will- 
iam, the son of a Protestant father, was educated a Catholic. The courtly 
youth was soon conspicuous among the young nobles at Brussels through 
his great talent and readiness. He was noticed by the emperor, and dis- 
tinguished by marks of favor and confidence. They were justified by his 
success both as a soldier and a diplomatist. When Charles retired, Will- 
iam was made, by Philip, viceroy of Holland, Seeland, and Utrecht. 

The prince's position in Brussels was thus a lofty one. He possessed in 
unusual measure the qualities which fit a man to rule othei's and become 
master of the situation. His keen mind penetrated the thoughts and 
efforts of his neighbors. He maintained, meanwhile, great cheerfulness 
and affability of manner, yet with a reticence and reserve which won him 
the surname of " the Silent." He was a complete cavalier and a courtier, 
gladly received in the halls of the imperial palace in Brussels, and moving 
there with the most finished elegance of manner. It suited him at the be- 
ginning to play the wealthy prince. He surrounded himself with a court 
frequented by the nobles of Germany. He indulged in luxuries and 
splendor such as belonged to his position, and expended upon them more 
than his income justified. This he did not only when, as an ambassador, 
he had to represent his master, but in his own home, where the choicest 
entertainment was ever afforded. He was able for a long time to con- 


tract debts without troubling himself respecting them. He took no in- 
terest in religious matters, showing at this period thorough indifference. 
His aims were those of the skilled and clever statesman, who wanted in- 
fluential position, and to attain his aims used such means as were offered. 
The inner life of Orange first began gradually to have a new character 
when, in the midst of his outer career, with its perplexities, he came upon 
the problem which he was required to solve. Of this problem the first 
suggestion gleamed on his mind in the forest of Vincennes. 

Returning to Brussels, William found Philip decided to leave the 
Netherlands. At an assembly of the states, in Ghent, the king made 
request for a tax of three millions. The states granted it, but with the 
condition that the Spanish troops, arbitrarily introduced into the Nether- 
His first words l an ds, be removed. In support of the desire expressed by 
for liberty. a \\ the provinces, the nobles, led by William of Orange, 

viceroy of Holland, Seeland, and Utrecht, by count Egmont, viceroy of 
Flanders and Artois, and by count Von Horn, admiral of Flanders, pointed 
out the injustice of quartering foreign troops in Holland, and the unpre- 
cedented outrages which these committed upon the citizens. The king 
was constrained to grant the request. He departed to Spain, leaving the 
rule to his half-sister, Margaret of Parma. Brought up with Ignatius 
Loyola as her confessor, and familiarized with the Macchiavellian policy 
of Philip, she was not without judgment, nor lacking in better impulses. 
She had for advisers in her councils of state and finance, and in her 
privy council, William of Orange and his friends, counts Egmont and Horn. 

For her chief adviser she was given, by Philip, the eminent represent- 
ative of absolutism, bishop Granvelle (made cardinal January 24, 1561), 
with count Berlaymont and the adroit jurist, Viglius van Aytta, both 
thoroughly devoted to the bishop. Margaret and Granvelle had been 
secretly instructed, in the face of the guaranteed rights and liberties of 
the provinces, not to send the Spanish troops away, to summon the states 
as seldom as possible, to impose the taxes required on the separate prov- 
inces, and to adopt the most relentless measures towards heretics. 

The last point was first in the minds of the king and the cardinal. The 
execution of a scheme of the emperor Charles was counted necessary. 
The four bishoprics of the Netherlands were clearly seen to be too large 
for efficiency. They must be divided, and the number multiplied. Iu 
conjunction with the pope, who published a bull in the Netherland bishop- 
rics (May 12, 1559), fourteen new bishoprics were erected, and endowed 
with the incomes of certain rich convents. The new bishops received in- 
struction to maintain the Inquisition to the utmost, in their districts, by 
special agents. 

The public mind received the innovations with the very worst grace. 
It was regarded by all ranks and classes as a measure in the interests of 
the Inquisition, and as a usurpation. The old bishops complained be- 


cause their territories and incomes were curtailed. The abhots were an- 
gry at the unjustified and illegal diversion of their endowments. The 
nobles lamented that by the increase of the number of bishops their 
own power in the legislature was diminished. The people groaned over 
the streams of blood which the hydra-headed Inquisition poured out in 
all the cities. The king's stratagem already seemed to be breaking up 
the old order of affairs. The people in several districts rose up and op- 
posed the entrance of the new bishops into their offices. 

Meanwhile, Protestantism, in spite of all the butcheries of the Inquisi- 
tion, was making headway in the country. Many of the youth who had 
studied in Geneva returned, bringing evangelical doctrines. Preachers 
were sent thither from France. Many Huguenots, exiling themselves after 
the massacre of Vassy (15G2), were settled in Antwerp. Calvinistic sen- 
timent constantly gained strength. A confession of faith, prepared by 
the Walloon preacher, Guido de Bres, and others, was revised in accord- 
ance with the views of the Geneva preachers, and sent to king Philip. 
In the midst of heroic conflict with the Spanish Inquisition, the evangelic 
church of the Netherlands, whose worship was held in forests and out- 
of-the-way places, began an organization after the Geneva pattern, with 
presbyteries and synods. A synod held May 1, 1564, in Antwerp, exhib- 
its in its articles a complete church organization of the Calvinistic order. 

"We must distinguish between this evangelic movement, advancing qui- 
etly, and for the most part secretly, and making entrance into nearly all 
the cities of the Netherlands, and the exasperation expressed loudly on 
all sides at the Inquisition, and at Granvelle, who was regarded as the 
embodiment of Spanish tyranny. Chief among the representatives of 
the nation advanced the prince of Orange, as the leader of the portion 
of the nobility that arrayed itself against the misrule of Spain. Counts 
Egmont and Horn stood by his side. To these three were added Hoogs- 
traten, Meghem, Arenberg, Mansfeld, Berghes, Montigny, Brederode, 
and other noblemen. Orange, with the counts, earnestly petitioned of 
the king (March 11, 1563) to remove Granvelle. When the petition was 
refused, he withdrew for a year from the council. At last Gran-velle's re- 
moval was effected (March, 1564). 

The Inquisition continued its bloody work as before. The council of 
Trent had decreed the persecution of heretics. Its condem- 0pposeg papal 
natory decrees were published in the Netherlands, in spite of persecution. 
the efforts of Orange and the nobility. The increasing confusion and com- 
plication of affairs endangered so greatly the safety not only of individuals, 
but of the nation, that a great number of the nobles, to ward off the peril, 
entered into a league named the " Compromise." Its author was really 
the knightly and accomplished Philip von Marnix, lord of Aldegonde, who 
had been a student in Geneva, and embraced there the evangelic faith. 
It was declared in the compact that inasmuch as a throng of foreigners, 


using the Catholic religion as a cover for their ambition and greed, had 
influenced the king, against his oath and despite the assurances given his 
subjects, to increase the severity of the laws, and set up the Inquisition by 
force of arms, they, the vassals of the king and nobles of the nation, were 
obliged to form a league, and by oath bind themselves to prevent the es- 
tablishment of the Inquisition with all the means in their power. Yet 
they wished solemnly to testify that they purposed naught that was op- 
posed to the honor of God, the service of the king, or the good of the 

The regent was in terror, seeing the league, to the number of four hun- 
dred armed men, approach her palace (April 5, 1566). They insisted 
first on the repeal of the religious edicts, and received in return from 
Berlaymont their nickname of Gueux, or Beggars. Their imposing 
movement was sure to prove momentous. This Orange had foreseen. 
He had admonished them of it before they came to the regent. He had 
refrained from subscribing their compact. He was against violent meas- 
ures, which would make new complications. As chief of the nobility, he 
would maintain their cause, and yet fulfill his duty as an officer of the 
government. He found the task a difficult one, and soon was forced to 
more decided measures. 

In an assembly at St. Trond (July, 1566), the nobility and the Protest- 
ants of Antwerp, who for a month had been holding public meetings, 
formed a solemn fraternal alliance. Orange saw here a very great dan- 
ger. He considered the Calvinists too fierce and radical. He thought 
he might endure the followers of the Augsburg Confession. In this feel- 
ing he wrote to the league, admonishing them against excesses. But the 
wrath of the people of Lower Flanders was roused by the Inquisition, by 
sermons on the idolatry of image worship, and by the imposture of tran- 
substantiation. The mob, in a fierce image-breaking l'iot, sacked the 
churches, broke the altars and images, taking away money and jewels, 
burning mass books and vestments, and threatening the bishops them- 
selves with sore chastisements. 

Orange saw that fanaticism would ruin the country, and strove for 
the removal of the Inquisition and the placing of the opposite religions 
upon an equal footing. He addressed a memorial from Utrecht to the 
states of Holland (November, 1566), recommending as the best means of 
establishing peace freedom in religion, or the adoption of the Augsburg 
Confession, or at least toleration of Protestantism. Toleration thence- 
forward was William's watchword. A new course had been adopted by 
the regent. She tried to make political capital out of the image-break- 
ing, at which some of the league stood aghast. She went to work in 
earnest to subdue the nobility and the nation. Protestant assemblies 
were forbidden. Where they existed, they were dispersed. Spanish gar- 
risons were placed in the cities. Protestant chapels were torn down. 


Their joists were framed into gallows to hang Protestants upon. The 
Knights of the Golden Fleece were required to swear that they would 
serve the king against all persons whatsoever, and would renounce every 
alliance that was in opposition to this oath. Egmont and others took the 
oath. Orange declined. 

William, well informed by his secret agents at the court of Philip re- 
specting the purposes of the latter, had reached an hour of ms decisive 
decision. The " Compromise " had now lost all its power ste P- 
(1566). Egmont, with the vain and weak, had been won to the side of 
Spain. Orange, in his isolation, found himself forced to the side of the 
Protestants. He saw that his cause and theirs were one, and that his 
was the task to establish through the religious liberty of Holland her 
political liberty. He did not yet perceive that the contest, if victorious, 
would lead to the founding of a new nation. He kept for a while his 
old relation to Philip. Without power to prevent violence to his people, 
he laid down his office, and retired to his home in Germany. He had 
written first to Philip, assuring him that he would not decline to give his 
life to his service in any just cause. 

Philip despised such conscientious loyalty. He preferred to rely on 
ten thousand Spanish and Italian troops, who were on their way to the 
Netherlands, under the grim duke of Alba (1567). Received by Egmont 
on the frontier, Alba was welcomed by him to Brussels (in August), and 
at once, trampling upon all the rights and liberties of the states, opened 
his " Council of Disturbances," named by the nation the " Council of 
Blood," and began the eighteen thousand executions of which he after- 
wards boasted. Egmont and Horn, craftily seized at a merry banquet, 
were beheaded within a year upon the Brussels market-place (June 5, 
1568). William, at whom Alba especially aimed, was summoned by 
the Council of Blood (January 19, 1568) to come before the same for 
trial. The penalty of refusing was perpetual banishment and forfeiture of 
his entire estate. Very naturally he failed to appear, and besides, in his 
position as a sovereign prince and a Knight of the Golden Fleece, he im- 
pugned the authority of the Council of Disturbances. His property in 
the Netherlands was at once confiscated by Alba, and his eldest son, who 
was a student in Louvain, was imprisoned and sent to Spain. 

An edict was issued by the Council of Blood (February 16, 1568), 
by which the people of the Netherlands, with some few exceptions, were 
declared guilty of treason and heresy, and arraigned before the court of 
the Inquisition. The most dreadful bloodshed prevailed in the land ; al- 
most the whole reformed population became fugitives. In the north, 
many cities were well-nigh desolate. In the south the rancor, the dislike, 
felt by the Walloons against the true Hollanders, along with the intrigues 
of the popish nobility, almost annihilated the reformed faith. 

The prince of Orange, finding that nothing save war could help the 


Netherlands, was now untiring in enlisting an army for their deliverance. 
He had no thought of freeing them from Philip's rule, but only from the 
Inquisition and the arbitrary power of the viceroy. He purposed the 
restoration of constitutional government. Two armies, collected in Ger- 
many, and led by him and his brother Louis, entered the country. At 
Seeks freedom fi rst tae y ^ a ^ some success. Directly all seemed lost, save 
by battle. William's confidence in his cause. His brother ( Adolphus) 

had been slain, and he was forced back to the frontier of France. After 
a time freedom found a new hope, on which William reposed. Many 
Netherlander who had been driven across to England, under stress of 
their great poverty, undertook to fight their foes in detail upon the sea. 
At first these " sea-beggars " were only pirates. William soon perceived 
what great ends might be attained by this naval warfare against the Span- 
iards. He gathered the vessels of the sea-beggars into a fleet, gave them 
letters of marque, and made count William von der Mark their com- 
mander, who had the fortune (April 1, 1572) to capture Brill, the key 
to Holland. 

This victory made a decided impression on the minds of the Nether- 
landers. Nearly all the north rose in arms, placing themselves under the 
banner of Orange as the viceroy of the king. William advanced over 
the Rhine in the summer of 1572, with twenty-five thousand troops, and 
commenced a heroic contest, in which more than once he was on the brink 
of ruin. Yet he appeared ever as represented in his medals, " Sasvis 
tranquillus in undis," and after each hard battle rose again with heroic 
strength to let his enemy know the power of his blow. 

In the first years of the struggle, or till 1575, Philip's rule was recog- 
nized. The war was therefore properly a war for religious liberty ; not 
for the reformed faith, or for the Protestant, but for religion in general. 
Orange was the embodiment of this sentiment of Christian toleration, and 
especially at the time when he renounced popery (1573) and embraced the 
reformed confession. The prince seemed to have won the most brilliant 
success when Requesens, the successor of Alba (in 1573), and viceroy in 
the south, had died (1576). The Spanish troops were unpaid, and under- 
took to pay themselves by plunder. For defense against them, the south- 
ern provinces decided to unite with the northern. The " Pacification of 
Ghent " was made, with the intention of erecting a single state, em- 
bracing all seventeen provinces, but preserving the separate rights of the 
provincial territories. In regard to religion, the ruling idea was tolera- 
tion, and possibly the equality of the reformed and Roman confessions 
in all the provinces. The enforcement of this scheme seemed hopeful 
when the Prince of Orange, soon after, by choice of the states, was made 
" Maintainer of the Peace" in Brabant, with almost dictatorial powers. 
Alas, Spanish intrigue excited local feeling in the provinces, largely Ro- 
manist, and craftily induced them to ignore the " pacification." Artois, 


Douay, and Hennegau adopted a new compact for themselves (January 
5, 1579), resolving to maintain liberty, but not to tolerate the reformed 
worship. This led the seven Protestant provinces, Gelders, The Dutch Re _ 
Zutphen, Holland, Seeland, Utrecht, Friesland, and Fris- ^ ubUc - 
ian Ommelland, to combine, in accordance with William's advice, in the 
"Union of Utrecht" (January 23, 1579). They formed a Protestant 
commonwealth, which two years later threw off entirely the Spanish 
yoke, and became the foundation of the Dutch nation, which exists till 
this day. Its principles were the civil liberties of the several provinces, 
the union of all for their common ends, and the Protestant faith. The 
last was so vital that it was declared with truth by William, in his " Apol- 
ogy," that without loyalty to the Reformation the Netherlaud republic 
could not last a day. 

The reformed faith now prevailed in the United Provinces, and could 
have free exercise. Alas, the thought entered the political rulers that a 
church independent of the state could not be allowed in their nation. 
A church government, which was published (1576) under authority of the 
prince of Orange, allowed congregations presbyterial rule and discipline, 
but denied them synodical self-control, since it was doubted if two head- 
ships could exist in a community. When, at the first Netherland national 
synod (at Dort, 1578), the attempt was made to give the church a per- 
fectly free presbyterial constitution, with a national synod meeting every 
three years as the supreme authority, the project was rejected by the civil 
government. At a synod in Middleburg (1581) the question of the church's 
constitution was further considered, but without securing a united and free 
organization. Nothing was attained beyond provincial bodies. Presby- 
terial government in many congregations was very imperfect. From this 
sprang, in large part, the disquiet which arose in the church of Holland 
after 1600. Its origin was in the setting up of the state as the control- 
ling power in the church. 

Had the prince of Orange been allowed a longer life, church matters 
in the Netherlands might have been more happily arranged. Affairs at wm- 
He had appointed a commission (1581) to draft a church i am s death. 
constitution on the basis of the views of the synod at Middleburg. The 
draft had been drawn up, but before any conclusion could be reached con- 
cerning it the hand of the assassin had brought the life of William to 
its close (July 10, 1584). The murderer, Balthasar Gerard, was a popish 
fanatic. Under the mask of a needy Protestant, he had introduced him- 
self to the king, and received money. His confession testified that he 
was led into his crime by a Franciscan and a Jesuit. The whole land 
was overwhelmed by sorrow, for the " Father of the Netherlands " had 
been taken away. 

The contest of which William was the great leader was none the less 
carried forward with untiring constancy. In the father's place rose his 


oldest son, Maurice. When the Spaniards had been fearfully weakened, 
they finally were constrained to grant a twelve years' truce to the Neth- 
erlands, in 1609. From this date the freedom of the Netherlands may 
be considered established. (The formal recognition of the seven United 
Provinces as a free and independent nation was granted by Spain at the 
Peace of Westphalia.) From this truce, the state which had been created 
by William's power and wisdom developed in freedom and security the 
character which it had won under his leadership. The Netherlands were 
the first nation to grant freedom of conscience and toleration, to distin- 
guish between political obligation and religious conviction. " Fugitives 
for conscience' sake from other nations," as Lechler writes, — " Jews from 
Spain and Portugal, like the parents of Spinoza ; Socinians from Poland, 
like Samuel Crell ; Huguenots and Jansenists from France ; Presbyterians, 
Quakers, and Episcopalians from England, — all betook themselves to 
the protection of the Netherlands. The United Provinces were the free 
land in which Cartesius, Spinoza, Becker, Bayle, and Leclerc could pub- 
lish their belief. And to these provinces under William Third England 
owes the salvation of her Protestant liberties and her laws of tolera- 
tion."— H. H. 




A. D. 1594-A. D. 1632. LUTHERAN, SWEDEN. 

The pure-hearted soldier, the heroic deliverer of the reformed church in 
Germany, was born in Stockholm, Sweden, December 9, 1594. He was 
the son of Charles Ninth, who was made king of Sweden (1604), after 
the dethronement of Sigismund, who had accepted the throne of Poland 
and become a Romanist. Charles was a zealous Lutheran and a grandson 
of Gustavus Vasa. The boy early inclined to affairs of state and to the 
army. Through his reforms the arms of Sweden were to win new glory. 
When fifteen years old, upon the breaking out of a war with Russia, he 
asked his father to let him lead the army. He was refused, but the very 
next year (1611) he was given an independent command in a war with 
Denmark. He carried through more than one affair successfully, sur- 
passing even what was expected of him. His father dying this year 
(October 80th), Gustavus was declared of age by the estates of Sweden, 
and, though hardly seventeen, undertook the charge of the kingdom and 
the conduct of the war with Denmark, Russia, and Poland. His great 
military talents were soon shown. He revolutionized the army organiza- 
tion. He adopted and enforced new principles in respect to weapons, 
tactics, use of artillery, and discipline. He joined to all this the power 
of moral and religious feeling. Every regiment had a chaplain. Daily 
service was held not only as an act of worship, but as a measure of dis- 
cipline, — one, however, that was readily accepted by the soldiers, by 
reason of their religious enthusiasm. 

The youth's keen, true understanding of state affairs was shown in 
his finding in the youngest of his counselors, Axel Oxenstierna, the great 


statesman, the man whose counsel he might follow in the greatest emer- 
gencies. Axel's coolness and caution were suited to make up for any 
rashness of the king, and to keep his ardor within bounds. The mere 
fact that Gustavus did not succumb to the three mighty foes whom his 
father left him served to indicate the ability of the youth and the lofty 
Gustavus finds destiny that awaited him. Gustavus began to perceive this 
his life mission. d es tiny when the war of religions in Germany, which was 
begun in 1618, gradually went against the Protestants, and the very ex- 
istence of the evangelical church was (1629) placed in jeopardy. Gus- 
tavus was devoted to this church with a deep affection arising from pro- 
found conviction. In the full strength of his manhood, at thirty-five 
years of age, he decided, in face of the hugely increased power of the 
emperor, like a Luther in the face of the papacy, to carry out his long- 
considered and bold resolve to save the Protestants of Germany, who were 
on the very brink of destruction ; to humble the emperor ; and, if possible, 
to obtain the title of king of Rome and the succession to the emperor- 
ship of Germany, which had now been held so long by foreign princes 
who had done nothing for the German nation. That this last thought 
was in his mind must be granted, since it was shown afterwards. Nor 
is it one to be seriously reprehended, for if it was ever desirable that 
the imperial office should not be held by a Romanist nor by one of the 
Hapsburg family, it was especially so at that period. The Protestant 
princes then needed powerful assistance. Besides, the Swedes were kins- 
men. The only question is, How did Gustavus Adolphus go to work to 
achieve the object named? History replies to this that to preserve Prot- 
estantism, and to obtain equal rights for it in Germany, was first and last 
his chief and most earnest aim. This, the facts prove, was ever put by 
him honestly and fairly in the foreground. 

Luther's spirit of reformation lived anew in Gustavus Adolphus. 
Luther's word had shaken the world, and put the papacy on its defense. 
Gustavus's sword was to smite it anew. His task was the more needful 
and the more difficult, too, from the apathy of the Protestant princes. Yet 
in proportion as obstacles increase, do mental endowments increase to 
those who are called to meet them. This was eminently true of Gus- 
His personal an- tavus Adolphus. His noble spirit shone forth in his per- 
pearance. sonal appearance. Of pure German blood, he was of slen- 

der form, but majestic, towering stature. The dazzling fairness of his 
countenance was enhanced by the bloom of his cheeks. With his wealth 
of yellow hair, true German, and flowing upon his shoulders, joined his 
glorious eyes, — short-sighted, it is true, but none the less fiery and ex- 
pressive. His countenance wore a majesty which commanded reverence. 
Earnestness, graciousness, and dignity characterized his glance, which, 
when animated, enraptured by its gentleness. The high-arched, nobly 
formed nose helped to give him the look of a hero. Resoluteness of will 


and thorough understanding of his circumstances were added to his other 
mental powers. He showed in business affairs a judgment as profound 
as comprehensive. Hence his undertakings were circumspectly begun, 
carefully and energetically carried forward, steadfastly and perseveringly 
pushed to completion. His lofty mind was possessed also of a splendid 
imagination ; and with his sound judgment and insight was united the 
gift of eloquence. He thus rose above a man of talent to one of gen- 
ius, — a glowing star shining before the eyes of the world. In the purity 
of morals which marks true greatness in man or prince, the Swedish 
king was an example to his generation. His personal courage and in- 
trepid daring in face of danger were so noted as to cause his followers 
great concern. He was just in judging, by reason of his goodness of 
heart and strength of character. Schooled in wisdom, he made tolera- 
tion a law of state, and in the lands which he subdued treated Roman- 
ists and Protestants gently and impartially, putting them upon a perfect 
equality. Nor would he have changed this rule, symmetrical as he was 
in character, had he lived longer, and well would the carrying out of it 
have been for Germany. For this cause his early death was so pro- 
foundly and universally lamented. It was a sign, people said, that the 
Germany of that day was not worthy of him. But let us briefly run 
over the story of his career. Builded up by his example, we shall be 
led to cry at his early death, " O the depth of the riches both of the wis- 
dom and knowledge of God ! How unsearchable are his judgments, and 
his ways past finding out ! " 

The love of Gustavus's youth was Ebba Brahe, daughter of the high 
bailiff" of Sweden. To her he composed te'nder verses in the midst of 
dangerous campaigns, and with her would have shared his crown and 
kingdom, had not his stout-hearted mother, queen Christina, daughter of 
duke Adolf, of Schleswig-Holstein, prevented, and secured Ebba's mar- 
riage to her son's general, Jacob de la Gardie. Gustavus went on a 
visit to Germany, and in Berlin saw, for the first time, the Hig love le . 
princess Marie Eleanore, of whom his ambassador, Birkhold, Wm to Germany, 
had written him some two years before. She was sister of elector George 
William of Brandenburg, and second daughter of John Sigismund, then 
recently deceased. Five years younger than Gustavus, she passed for a 
perfect beauty, as charming as majestic in appearance, and was possessed 
of great taste and knowledge in the arts. Gustavus made a second jour- 
ney to Berlin expressly, in 1620, and obtained from the elector's widow 
the hand of her daughter, wedding her in Stockholm, November 28th. 
His wife gave him the profoundest affection and respect. The happy 
union was tried only by his many absences in the wars, and by her tender 
solicitude for his life. This marriage helped turn Gustavus to a close 
inspection of the affairs of Germany. His military abilities were already 
generally known. After the battle of Prague (November 3, 1620), the 


Spanish general, marquis Von Spinola, had declared, " Gnstavus of Sweden 
is the only Protestant chief whom we dare not provoke." Gustavus could 
not regard the triumph of the emperor with indifference, since it affected his 
brother Protestants. He was too generous to shut his ears to the cries of 
the exiled princes of Mecklenburg, who asked aid from Sweden. These 
princes were, moreover, his neighbors and kinsmen. Nor could he over- 
look the danger to Sweden from the emperor taking the duchy of Pom- 
erania, after the death of Bogislaus, the last of the ruling family. For 
the emperor had perverted a treaty made at Brandenburg, and possessed 
himself of Pomerania and Riigen. Gustavus took the burning of the 
Swedish fleet, with the offer of thirty-five thousand dollars as compensa- 
tion, as a part of a far-reaching plan on the part of the Hapsburgs against 
Sweden. He regarded the pledge wrung from the Danish king, the 
ally of the Protestants (in the disgraceful Peace of Liibeck, May 12, 
1629), that he would not meddle again in German affairs, as a prelude 
to the imperial designs against Sweden. Then, when the edict of resti- 
tution was published (March 6, 1629), restoring to the Romanists all the 
property and church endowments which had become Protestant since the 
year 1555, a measure which especially affected Northern Germany, what 
course was to be taken by so ardent a Protestant and so skilled a warrior 
as Gustavus Adolphus ? Could he refuse help when Stralsund, which was 
the key of the Baltic, and had asked his protection, was hard pressed by 
Walleustein ? Could he disappoint the discouraged and perplexed Prot- 
estants of Germany, whose eyes were upon him? For though it be 
granted that his aid was not asked by the sleepy Protestant electors, he 
was the more ardently longed for by the lesser princes, the cities, and the 
people. Gustavus therefore armed, taking the advice of his council, and 
obtaining its conseut to each important step, although not obliged to do. 
so ; for he desired, if misfortune came, not to bear it alone. The heart of 
Sweden was his, not only for the sake of what he was, but for the sake of 
what he had done for Swedish institutions, even amid severe wars, thus 
showing how much he thought of the advancement of his fellow-men. 

Gustavus's army, formed in the Danish-Russian wars, was supplied with 
skillful generals, and made ready to march. A peace or an extended truce 
was made with each of the neighboring countries. The king then called 
the Swedish estates together (May 19, 1630), brought into their presence 
his little daughter, Christina, four years of age, as his heir, commended 
Takes his leave ner to tne ^ r allegiance, and bade them a touching farewell, 
■ of Sweden. foreboding that he should never more return. He had ap- 

pointed throughout the whole kingdom three days of fasting and prayer, — 
the first Fridays of July, August, and September, — to supplicate God's 
blessing on his difficult enterprise. Long after Gustavus was dead, the 
church of Sweden kept up the observance of these days. 

On setting out, the king's fleet was hindered by prevailing southwest 


winds, and even after it had reached the high seas was obliged to return. 
The passage was made so tedious and difficult that fresh provisions had 
to be obtained from the Swedish sea-ports. Finally, just one hundred 
years after the presenting of the Confession of Augsburg, the king cast 
anchor (June 25, 1630), in the midst of a thunder-storm, at the little 
island of Ruden, by the most western of the three mouths of the Oder. 
The shore was ablaze in the night with fires kindled by the foe, who re- 
tired to his camp at Anklam. Gustavus stepped into a boat, and ordered 
a landing. It was effected, by the aid of flat boats, upon the island of 
Usedom. Grustavus first set foot upon the shore, fell on his knees, and 
poured his heart out in ardent prayer to God. He then seized a spade. 
While half the forces joined with him in throwing up defenses, the rest 
stood by their arms ready for battle. Eleven regiments were landed in the 
course of the night. The rest followed with cannon, baggage,, and horses. 
Before noon an army fifteen thousand strong occupied a well-fortified 
camp, provided with artillery, around the little village of Peenemiinde. 
General Leslie, in Stralsund, who in April had cleared the island of 
Riigen of the foe, joined the king, who at once drove the imperial troops 
off the islands of Usedom and Wollin, and made himself master of the 
mouths of the Oder. He obliged the old duke of Pomerania to give 
up Stettin to him (July 20th), and to secure to him, after the duke's 
death, the possession of Pomerania, until compensation was obtained for 
the expense of the war. 

The trust in God shown by Gustavus in this bold enterprise, long con- 
sidered thousfh it was, is doubly wonderful. He was march- 

, , , , -r» t The source of 

mg against an emperor who had put the Protestants down the king's 
and mastered Germany, and who, as Gustavus knew, had 
an army four times larger than his own. With a king who was in the 
habit of calculating everything, this could not have been mere temerity. 
It must have come from his conviction that he was doing God's work. 
Gustavus also lacked money. France offered help, wishing to lessen 
the power of Hapsburg, but it was refused by Gustavus as long as its 
acceptance meant any iujury to Germany or any subjection to France. 
This strength of spirit, which in a critital position refused French 
gold and braved a superior force, must it not have come from God ? 
Though Gustavus knew that Germany, however exhausted, had more 
plentiful resources than poor Sweden, he generously declined to lay the 
country under contribution, like Wallenstein, or to quarter his soldiers 
upon the people. Add to this that in 1629 and 1630 the plague raged 
in Sweden, in Stockholm driving the court from the city, as had been 
the case in 1620, and the resolution of Gustavus must be ascribed to 
a lofty, irresistible motive. The very moment when Gustavus landed in 
North Germany the whole force of Wallenstein (removed from com- 
mand September, 1630) and of Tilly was in arms, one hundred and 


sixty thousand fighting men. Yet Gustavus did not remain on the de- 
fensive, as some advised, but moved forward to attack them ; this, al- 
though he had five years earlier, when offered by France the command 
of an army against the emperor, asked for such an object seventy-five 
thousand men. What could it have been that made him so confident, 
even when his brother-in-law, the fearful elector of Brandenburg, was 
doubtful, and the elector John George of Saxony was coquetting with 
Austria ? What save an inspiration from above ? 

The effort has been made to cast a shadow over the fair picture of 
Gustavus, as drawn by Protestants, by throwing on him the blame of 
the fall of Magdeburg (May 10, 1631). This is not just. He was 
throughout the siege of this strong and wealthy city anxious to relieve 
it. But he needed the support of the Brandenburg strongholds of Ciis- 
trin and Spandau, and also the help of the Saxon army. The blame 
must rest on the two loitering electors. They gave the needed aid only 
when, after the sack of Magdeburg, their own capitals were threatened 
and surrounded. Not till Saxony was overrun by Tilly, and heavily op- 
pi-essed, did John George in his extremity ask the aid of Gustavus, who 
His first great treated him more kindly than he deserved. He fought, at 
victory. faQ (j es i re f Saxony, the battle near Leipzig, or Breiten- 

burg, and, in spite of the poor support and the shameful flight of the 
Saxons and their cowardly electors, he, with his Swedes, revenged on 
Tilly and Pappenheim the cruelty shown to Magdeburg. The battle 
(September 17, 1631) lasted from two o'clock in the afternoon until 
seven, and ended with the complete overthrow of the hitherto invincible 
marshal Tilly. Gustavus has been blamed because, after this grand vic- 
tory, he did not at once march upon Vienna, to dictate peace to the em- 
peror at the gates of his capital. He was advised to this by the unwar- 
like elector of Saxony, whom he had called back from his flight and 
treated most magnanimously. But as surely as Hannibal, after his vic- 
tory of Cannae, was withheld by sufficient reasons from attacking Rome, 
so we know that Gustavus, whose boldness was certain, was kept back 
from a tempting course by a superior knowledge of strategy. He pre- 
ferred to march to Southwest Germany. There Saxony had proven 
unable, after proffering to do the work, to break or to weaken the power 
of the Romanist alliance known as " The League." Gustavus, marching 
on triumphantly, took Erfurt, fell upon Thliringia and Franconia, seized 
Wiirzburg, went by way of Rothenburg on the Tauber towards the 
Rhine, took Frankfort, passed over and took Mainz. Here and in 
Frankfort by turns he passed the winter, establishing his court and camp. 
Embassies from all the powers, and many of the highest German nobles, 
came to one whom all Europe now honored as a bright, propitious star. 
His patriotism in the midst of his success appears in his repelling de- 
meanor to France, who would support him, but wanted to take Alsace. 


He set a praiseworthy example which put to shame the German em- 
peror's action in the peace negotiations at Minister at a later period. 

The winter of 1631-32 passed in political negotiations, which proved 
the king as skilled in statesmanship as in war. On the 13th of March 
he left Mainz. His able general, Gnstav Horn, who had, since January, 
been engaged in various expeditions, joined him, March 22d, at Kitz- 
ingen. His army numbered forty thousand men, and compelled the crip- 
pled force of Tilly to fall back to Ingolstadt. Gustavus appeared before 
Donauworth March 26th, expelled the duke of Lauenburg, and gave the 
city a free constitution after a quarter of a century's subjection to Bava- 
ria. He thus possessed himself of the bridge over the Danube, the key 
of Bavaria. He also took the bridge over the Lech. Tilly had in- 
trenched himself in the village of Rain. The elector of Bavaria, with 
all his militia, was with him. Yet Gustavus took the place April 15th, 
Tilly falling mortally wounded. The king marched on to Augsburg 
April 24th without hindrance, making a solemn entry into the city, and 
taking an oath of allegiance from the citizens. On the 25th he hurried 
to Ingolstadt, behind whose stout walls the elector Maximilian was en- 
camped. It was here that a ball from a twenty-four pounder passed 
close to the calf of the king's leg and through the belly of his horse, 
while the rider fell covered with blood and dust. Prince Max, ac- 
cording to Tilly's dying counsel, fell back to Regensburg before Gus- 
tavus could take that city, the key to Bohemia. In the beginning of 
May the king entered Old Bavaria. He was forced to use severity here 
by the hostile acts of the people, excited as they were by their priests. 
His soldiers, embittered by the malice shown, burned some villages in re- 
turn for the killing of their comrades by the peasants. Gustavus took 
all the lowland, with Moosburg on the Isar, Landshut, and Freising, 
and on May 17th drew up his army in array before the walls of Munich. 
The keys of the city were at once surrendered to him. He remained in 
Munich three days, keeping his troops under strict discipline, CalIed to meet 
and exacting a fine of three hundred thousand thalers. The Waiienstein. 
distress of the allies of the emperor obliged the latter to restore Wal- 
lenstein (displaced at Regensburg, two years before, by the urgent request 
of the princes) to the supreme command, acceding to his oppressive con- 
ditions. The latter soon had an army of fifty thousand men, and drove 
the Saxons, with their inefficient and traitorous general Arnim, from Bo- 
hemia. He then marched upon Niirnberg, to prove as quickly as pos- 
sible who was first in Germany, — he or the Swede. Gustavus, leaving 
Memmingen, marched after the Bavarians, who had left Regensburg and 
entered the Upper Palatinate. He reached Niirnberg June 18th, and 
Sulzbach June 22d. Gustavus made a treaty with the old city, wish- 
ing to spare it the fate of Magdeburg. He began then to besiege Wal- 
lenstein, who with sixty thousand men was intrenched between Stein 


and Dombach, overlooking Niirnberg and the army of Gustavus. Upon 
August 31st the king, having been reinforced by duke Bernhard of Wei- 
mar, proffered battle, both armies then suffering from pestilence and 
hunger. Wallenstein chose to keep in his intrenchments, nor even 
after enduring a severe assault would he come out. But when Gustavus, 
to put an end to the suspense, left Wallenstein behind, and took up his 
march with drums beating, the latter set his camp on fire and directed 
his course to Coburg, Altenburg, and Leipzig. Gustavus, who had 
turned south, was called back by this movement. The plan of Wallen- 
stein was to devastate Saxony during the winter, draw away its elector 
from the side of the Swedes, and in the spring overrun North Germany 
and Mecklenburg, cutting off the retreat of Gustavus, and crushing him. 
The latter by forced marches reached Arnstadt October 23d, and Erfurt 
October 28th. His queen overtook him in the market-place of the lat- 
ter city, and received from him the day following his farewell kiss. 
When, upon November 11th, Gustavus reached Naumburg, the people at 
his entry fell upon their knees before him, extended to him their hands, 
kissed the hem of his garment, and proclaimed him their saviour. Aghast 
at their idolatrous worship, the king exclaimed, " I am afraid that Heaven 
will send me misfortune, for this people honor me as a god ! " He then 
intrenched himself to await the coming of duke George of Liineburg 
and elector George of Saxony. Wallenstein fell back to Weissenfels, 
where the news of the intrenchment of the king at Naumburg reached 
him. Purposing to cut him off, if possible, he set out November 14th 
for Llitzen. The king, seeing his plan, at once left Naumburg. On his 
march he heard of the detaching of Pappenheim's forces, and of Wal- 
lenstein's troops encamping in security about Liitzen. "Now I believe," 
he cried, " that God has given the enemy into my hands ! " He joined 
battle, though the Saxons were missing as in the battle of Leipzig. The 
Swedes pushed rapidly upon Liitzen. It was night, the 15th of Novem- 
ber, when they descended from the hills to the plain, and encamped in 
open ground, with the king at their head. 

Upon Tuesday morning, November 16, 1632, a thick fog hung over 
The king's great tne ^ e ^ °f battle, preventing the hostile armies, though so 
victory. near together, from seeing one another. About eleven 

o'clock the sun came out. The Swedes had offered their morning prayers 
upon their knees, and sung Luther's hymn, " Ein' feste Burg." The 
king then began the hymn composed by himself, " Fear not, thou little 
flock," and, protected only by his coat of cloth and leathern doublet, 
mounted his horse and rode through the ranks, addressing every nation 
with a 'suitable speech; and then, waving his sword above his head, gave 
the command, Forward ! Liitzen, set on fire by the imperial troops, to 
prevent themselves being outflanked, was in flames. The cannon thun- 
dered upon the advancing Swedes. Musketeers concealed in ditches 


opened on them a murderous fire. None the less, Wallenstein's batteries 
were stormed, and two of bis immense squares broken through. The 
Swedish cavalry were stopped by the ditches, but when the king went 
over followed after him. Gustavus, seeing his infantry giving way, has- 
tened to their relief with part of his cavalry. Riding at their head, the fog 
again gathering, and his near-sightedness deceiving him, he fell among 
Piccolomini's cuirassiers. His horse received a pistol shot in the neck ; 
by a second the king's arm was broken. As he turned he was struck by 
a shot in the back, and falling from his horse was dragged some distance 
in the stirrup. Of his grooms, one was dead, the other wounded. The 
Swedes, at the word " The king is wounded, captured, dead," were filled 
with renewed rage, and led by Bernhard threw themselves, fearless of 
death, upon the foe, and drove him back on every side. Even when Pap- 
penheim came up with fresh troops they took courage, attacked him and 
obtained a complete victory. More than nine thousand of their slain 
enemies, Pappenheim among them, were spread over the town. After 
nine hours of battle Wallenstein was beaten, leaving the field to the 
Swedes. Thus gloriously died the great Swede, Gustavus Adolphus. 
His was a spirit as circumspect as it was bold. Rarely did any plan of 
his miscarry. In battle he was undaunted and as bold as a lion. In 
counsel he was wise and noble-minded. His deeds have left men im- 
pressed with his greatness, unselfishness, and generosity. His soldiers 
clung to him, not only because he led them to victory, but because he 
took care of them, kept them under discipline, and went before them in 
every difficulty and danger. The people revered him as a deliverer 
and a man, and not simply because they were overwhelmed by his great 
deeds. Even those not Protestants could not refuse him the tribute of 
profound esteem. As long as German history lives, so long will his 
name brighten and shine as a star in the sky. 

Two hundred years after his death rose the Gustavus Adolphus Endow- 
ment, a beneficent and holy institution, intended to lend help to oppressed 
and dispersed evangelical churches. It has done much good already, 
and remains a fitting memorial of this royal Christian hero. So also does 
the Swedish monument at Liitzen, which marks the place where he fell. — 
J. O. V. 


A. D. 1606-A. D. 1676. LUTHERAN, GERMANY. 

Among the noblest and loveliest of the results of the Reformation is 
its harvest of holy song, blessing in particular the evangelical church of 
Germany. At the time when he whose portrait we are to portray first 
saw the light, the lofty song of the " Wittenberg Nightingale " had 


for over half a century resounded through the empire. "With it, too, 
had been heard other songs, sung by poets whom the master spirit of 
Luther had inspired. Before their songs arose, the church for half a 
thousand years had been doomed to silence. She indeed had been per- 
mitted to add to the priestly litanies sung in unknown Latin her " Lord, 
have mercy," her " Pray for us," or her " Amen ; " but these had come 
to be mere soulless echoes. How happy she was made when her tongue 
was at last unloosed ; when in church and at home she could utter, ac- 
cording to her heart's desire and longing, her Christian faith, renewed in 
apostolical purity, in the winged words of her own mother tongue ! With 
Luther leading the choir, she had sung, " Dear Christian people, all re- 
joice ! " " Be Thou exalted, Jesus Christ ! " " A mighty fortress is our 
God ! " and all of Luther's seven and thirty valiant songs. With Paul 
Speratus she had repeated, "Salvation now has come!" With Justus 
Jonas, " Were God not on our side ! " With Paul Eber, " When in the 
sorest need ! " and " Lord Jesus Christ, true man and God ! " With Nich- 
olas Decius, " To God alone be highest praise ! " And with others like 
new and lofty songs, which ascended to the skies. They were glad hymns 
of sincere Christian confession. He who sang, sang not for himself, but for 
all reformed Christendom, with which he felt himself in unison. What 
was known and accepted as abiding truth he uttered in song. The creed, 
which denoted the " standing or falling church," naturally gave character 
to the poetry of the Reformation. It came not with honeyed words, but 
clad in steel armor. It advanced in short, comprehensive, positive sen- 
tences. The renewed church needed to be defined, her foundations to be 
well established. As has well been said, the poetry of the Reformation 
shows " the Holy Spirit doing the work of the lapidary." There was 
in it a holy defiance, a nervous conciseness. This period of " objective 
hymnology," as it is called (which is not for a moment to be confounded 
with didactic poetry, for it soared on eagles' wings in the most sublime 
and inspired lyrics), came to a close. This occurred in part through the 
bursting forth of the tempest of war. There arose then a desire to gather 
New era of from the church's confessions treasures of gospel truth to 

hymnology. strengthen the individual heart for days of darkness, or 
under life's burdens and varied relations. This gave sacred poetry a 
subjective character. We hear songs of the cross and of consolation, — 
" home and heart melodies," as John Heermann called his hymns. The 
believer sings his individual experiences to strengthen and encourage 
his brethren. He aims less at celebrating the facts of Christian redemp- 
tion than at consecrating, sanctifying, and glorifying all personal and 
home conditions and relations. Morning and evening songs, wedding 
and nursery songs, songs of health, of sickness, and of death, and the 
like, are now sung. 

In this era, as its leader, as its first and greatest master, rises one who, 


next to Luther, takes the first place as a hymn-writer in the German, and 
indeed in the whole Protestant church. Who of evangelical Christians 
in Germany can hear the name without having notes, as it were, of bells 
and of grand organ-pipes salute his ears ! Paul Gerhardt's name has 
resounded through the world. 

The poet's birth was in 1606, in Grafenhainichen, near Wittenberg, 
a city of electoral Saxony, burned up afterwards by the Swedes in the 
nineteenth year of the Thirty Years' War. His father was the burgomas- 
ter of the city. Paul's youth is veiled in obscurity. We only know that 
he was brought up a Christian. Early in life he was forced to reflect 
upon religion. He saw in youth the flames of the most devastating of 
all wars sweep over his country. He beheld it smitten by a thousand 
horrors and distresses, among which was the pestilence, and left at last a 
desert and a ruin. This indescribable calamity led his heart upward, and 
increased the disposition which he had manifested even from childhood 
to prayer and contemplation. He does not meet us again until 1651. He 
has now, for several years, had a place as a friend in the house of the 
advocate Berthold, in Berlin. Though forty-four years of age he is still 
a candidate without a parish, a circumstance which remains an- enigma. 
Even then he has written and published some of his best songs : the 
morning song, " Awake, my heart, and sing ! " the Easter G ernardt ! S first 
song, "Approach within my gates ! " and the jubilee song hymns, 
upon the Peace of Westphalia, " Praise God that now resound the notes 
of peace and gladness ! " Meanwhile, he preached frequently in the 
churches of the city, embracing every opportunity of doing so, gladly. 
Why an official position was not offered him is, as has been said, inexpli- 
cable. His faith here met the sorest trials, yet came forth triumphant in 
God. An opening at last came. The " provostship " in Mitten wald be- 
came vacant. The magistracy asking the Berlin clergy to recommend 
some one to the place, they unhesitatingly named Paul Gerhardt. They 
testified that " he was well known for industry and learning, of good 
mind and of sound faith, honorable and peaceful in disposition, and spot- 
less in life." Upon this account Paul Gerhardt was esteemed and loved 
by high and low in the city. The clergy could bear witness that at their 
invitation he had, by his excellent gifts, many times placed the churches 
of the city under obligation, and had grown to be greatly beloved. Upon 
this favorable testimony Gerhardt was called, and upon November 18, 
1651, was ordained in the Nicolai Church, Berlin. He then solemnly 
subscribed the creed of the Lutheran church, including the " Form of 
Concord." His subscription, especially to this last, was to have a very 
serious result to him. 

He became pastor of Mitten wald in the beginning of 1652. No record 
is preserved of his labors there. It may be supposed that they were ex- 
emplary. He was not free from trouble, especially in his relation to his 


colleagues, over whom he was placed, without fault of his own, — his sec- 
ond assistant in particular, whose ambition and envy could not forgive Ger- 
hardt that he was preferred to himself. He stayed five years in Mitten- 
wald, in the last year wedding Anna Maria Berthold, the daughter of his 
good friend in Berlin. His home and married life became a model for 
his congregation. In June, 1657, he was called by the magistracy of 
is a pastor ia Berlin to be a dean in the Nicolai Church of that city. He 
Bei ' lin - gladly accepted the place, hardly foreseeing what trials it 

would bring. He found himself delightfully related to his people, and 
to his new colleagues. How could it be otherwise, when he had long 
been known, as a gifted theologian, a zealous pastor, and a man of the 
purest character, sincerest faith, and kindest heart ! The people flocked 
in crowds to hear him. His services were the most frequented of all in 
the capital. By his preaching many were awakened from religious in- 
difference. The church life of Berlin seemed about to bloom in a joyous 
spring-time, when upon the swelling shoots and buds, so full of promise, 
there settled the mildew of an unfortunate church quarrel. 

Even before Gerhardt became a dean there was war between the Lu- 
therans and the Reformed. Never could hotter excommunications and 
charges of heresy have been uttered against Rome than were pronounced 
by the pulpits of the two parties against one another almost every Sun- 
day. The Reformed were reviled by their Lutheran brethren as sac- 
ramentarians, antinomians, rationalists, Socinians, or the like. Their 
doctrine was declared a complete apostasy from the clear, plain word of 
Scripture. The Reformed, while upon the whole taking the defensive, 
paid back their adversaries with epithets which were not altogether sooth- 
ing, such as " slaves to the letter," " Capernaumites," " ritual peddlers," 
and reproached them with having but half divested themselves of po- 
pery. The noble Christian elector, Frederick William, while accepting 
heartily, like all his house, the Reformed creed, yielded to the Lutherans 
the most kind and appropriate recognition, and as a father resolutely pro- 
tected them in their rights and liberties. But he had long been pained 
by the church trouble, and had never ceased striving to reconcile the 
parties. His well-meant endeavors were thwarted chiefly by the un- 
yielding temper of the Lutheran theologians. Finally, in 1662, with an 
aim at harmony, he summoned the representatives of the two creeds to 
a colloquy. After many objections from the Lutheran side, the meet- 
ing took place in a room in the electoral library, baron chief president 
Otto von Schwerin in the chair. The edict of the elector which called 
the assembly together said, among other things, that " the unchristian 
charges, slanders, and anathemas, the false interpretations, the forced 
charges of blasphemous belief, should "be put away on both sides ; that 
true Christianity and the practice of real, sincere, undisputed religion 
should be enforced upon the minds of the people. For this object they 


should confer amicably on the following questions : Does the Reformed 
confession teach or affirm anything for which the one teaching or affirm- 
ing it should be damned 'judicio divino ' ? Does the said confession 
deny or conceal anything for the lack of the knowledge and practice of 
which Almighty God would withhold fi'om any one salvation ? " 

Paul Gerhardt had now been serving as dean of the Nicolai Church 
for five years, quietly, peacefully, faithfully, and successfully, hardly tak- 
ing note of the world outside. With a loving heart, he had, 

. Becomes in- 

al though a brave upholder of Lutheran views, never been voived in church 
guilty of pulpit controversies. When he heard of such he 
uttered his sorrow, and poured forth before God in his closet his longing 
for a union of all Christians in the love of Christ. But he was obliged 
now to appear upon the field of strife, and to be a leader even of his party. 
The colloquy went on, or rather crept on, through seventeen sessions. 
The doings had little in them that was refreshing ; while the length and 
breadth and repetition in them were, as we would think, intolerable. The 
Lutherans started out with the proposition, to which they ever returned, 
that their creed in substance coincided with the gospel, and that of course 
the Reformed, so far as they varied from it and taught something else, 
were in error. The Reformed pointed constantly to the distinction be- 
tween essentials and non-essentials in evangelical doctrine. The Lutherans 
would not allow that this, applied to any article in their creed, which, 
they said, as a whole was fundamental. The Reformed wished the con- 
cession that they with their idea of the Sacrament could be saved. The 
Lutherans thought that they could admit this only in the case that the 
others held to the Zwinglian or Calvinistic view from innocent ignorance 
of the Lutheran opinion. To the wish of the Reformed to be regarded 
by the Lutherans as brethren, there was returned, and that by Gerhardt 
too, the ambiguous reply which evaded not very handsomely the point at 
issue : " A Christian is one who possesses the true and saving faith, pure 
and unperverted, and shows the fruits of the same in life and conduct. 
Hence I cannot take the Calviuists as Calviuists for Christians." The 
Calvinists on their part made the mistake that they wished many things 
in the Lutheran confession to be pronouned unessential at once, when 
they should have first sought for a thorough discussion. Unfortunately, 
both parties avoided trying the questions at issue by the Scriptures. 
Hence, after a year had passed, they were upon the same ground which 
they occupied at the start. Paul Gerhardt, at last, in the name of him- 
self and his associates, declared the result : " That they would abide un- 
moved in their doctrines ; yet they would show the Reformed all neigh- 
borly and Christian love and friendship, and heartily desire and seek 
their salvation. As to the rest, they must maintain their right and lib- 
erty to ' show by word and pen and in the public sermon the errors of 
the Reformed, and to attack and refute them with stout arguments." 


The elector was exceedingly grieved at the failure of the colloquy. 
When he was told that the pulpit war was waged anew, and more hotly 
and angrily than ever, he published an edict (September 16, 1664), which 
was sent by thousands through the country, in which he declai-ed, with 
emphasis, '* that absolutely he would not endure longer the war of con- 
fessions, and especially the mutually insidious accusations of heresy from 
the pulpits." He added to this peremptory declaration the order that 
if any one wanted a child baptized with the omission of the exorcism, 
as it was called (which indeed was chiefly a custom in obscure churches), 
the wish should be unhesitatingly granted by the preacher. This edict, 
which sharpened into an order that each pastor should promise it obe- 
dience, and should lose his office if he refused, made a great stir in Ber- 
lin and in the country, and excited numerous remonstrances. The elector 
insisted upon obedience. The first who by refractoriness incurred his 
wrath were two preachers of the Nicolai Church, provost Lilius and 
master Reinhardt. In spite of all the loyal protestations and entreaties 
for mercy by both the magistracy and the clergy of Berlin, and by the es- 
tates of Brandenburg, they were deprived of their places. Now it came 
the turn of Paul Gerhardt to sign the agreement. Held by his con- 
science to the Form of Concord, solemnly accepted by him, he gave a 
decided refusal. He could not sign the bond which pledged him not to 
oppose doctrines contrary to the Concord. Gerhardt now met the fate 
of his colleagues, albeit one of these, the provost, by submitting had been 
reinstated in his office. The deposition of Gerhardt, who had never 
spoken in angry controversy, excited great attention and sorrow, even out- 
side his own communion. Petitions poured in on his behalf. The united 
guilds came to the palace to petition the elector for him. In vain. The 
elector said crushingly " that he knew nothing of the very noted piety 
of preacher Gerhardt, but he knew well that he had undoubtedly de- 
tained others from subscribing the agreement." When he was beset 
anew with prayers for Gerhardt, he finally made this decision (January, 
1667) : " Because he had heard no complaint against Paul Gerhardt, ex- 
cept that he would not sign the bond, his electoral grace was constrained 
to suppose that he did not rightly understand the meaning of the edict. 
Therefore he would restore him fully, and would allow him to exercise 
his office as preacher as formerly." The liveliest joy filled everybody ; 
only the pardoned himself was not joyful. Communing with his heart, 
he expressed himself both to the magistracy and to the elector with equal 
decision and modesty, saying " that his conscience forbade him to avail 
himself of the electoral favor, inasmuch as it was proffered him with the 
express declaration that he did not accept the electoral edict and agree- 
ment because he did not understand it. It would be certainly expected 
of him that even without signing he would follow it, and so would give 
up the Form of Concord, which was a constituent part of the Lu- 


theran creed." After full deliberation lie gave up his office, to the sorrow, 
not of his parish only, but of the whole Lutheran church in jg aeprivea of 
Berlin. "Who will dare judge him ? He obeyed his con- his pastorate, 
science. If it erred, it erred with the Form of Concord, which uttered 
anathemas upon the Reformed confession, and commanded him to do the 
same. Could he, standing where he did in relation to the church and 
its creed, have acted differently, or have kept his office ? Many think 
so, because the electoral edict did not forbid the opposing of other creeds 
wholly, but only in an angry and hurtful manner, enjoining upon him 
simply moderation and gentleness, — such, indeed, as he had always shown 
before the edict was made. But, thought Gerharclt, who will decide 
what is gentleness ? He also deemed that on account of the elector's 
expectation, expressed so clearly, he would feel hindered and constrained 
by the edict as truly as if he had signed it. Let us leave him here. He 
must answer, for the momentous step which he took, to his God only ; 
and He is kind to the faithful and upright, and will graciously accept the 
great sacrifice which his oft-tried servant offered him according to his 
convictions, however much they were in need of purification through the 
gospel of peace. 

Gerhardt, left with his wife and his child, without office or income, 
yet escaped want through the kindness of friends in Berlin. He did not 
know the full measure of tribulation till his faithful wife was taken from 
him (1668). Bereaved and desolate, he still found help in God through 
prayer, and comforted himself by singing, " Commit thy ways to God ! " 
his own sweet song. 

What was he to do ? Gerhardt looked to God, saying, " Thou ever 
op'st the way ; with Thee is full supply ! " He cast his care upon God, and 
God cared for him. He received a call (October, 1668) from the magis- 
tracy of the electoral city of Liibben, in Lausitz, to the archdeaconship. 
He looked upon it as from God, and accepted it (May, 1669). We know 
nothing of his life in Liibben, save that from the magistracy he endured 
much which made him feel the loss of the love and kindness of his friends 
in Berlin. He remained in the place seven years. Was it Cl0sin 
strange that, as he approached seventy, he grew weary of Liibben. 
his long, painful, and thorny road, and felt a deep longing for the rest of 
the saints in light ? He had but one care, and that was for his boy Fred- 
erick, now seventeen years old, and this he laid upon God. He drew up 
as a legacy to his tenderly loved son a series of precious rules, the sum 
of which was : Pray diligently, study what is noble, live peacefully, 
serve faithfully, remain steadfast in thy belief and confession. So thou, 
too, in dying wilt depart out of this world willingly, joyously and bless- 
edly. Amen. Gerhardt now lay ready to set sail for the eternal harbor, 
breathing already the air of home. Sensible of his weakness, and his 
approaching end, he at one time repeated, while his face was shining like 


an angel's, the words of his hymn, " "Why should I grieve," adding with 
strong, clear voice, — 

"No death can us e'er slay; it only tears our souls from cares, from thousand wants away. 
'Tis death that shuts the door of bitter woe, and bids us go, and leads the way to yonder 

Soon after he gently bowed his head, closed his eyes upon the earth, 
which had given his outward life fewer roses than thorns, and joined the 
cloud of witnesses of whom the world was not worthy. His death oc- 
curred June 7, 1676. His remains were laid in the principal church of 
Liibben, not far from the altar. The grave of this seer will one day be 
more conspicuously marked than it has ever yet been. Gerhardt is hon- 
ored, however, in the Liibben church by a full-length oil-painting, with the 
inscription, " A theologian shaken in the sieve of Satan " (" Theologus 
in cribro Satanre versutus "). Beneath is a Latin epigram, which may be 
thus translated : — 

"Like life, thou findest here Paul Gerhardt's form so dear, 
All faith and hope and love ! His praise of One above 
Sounds loud as seraph's lyre, or song of heav'nly choir. 
Christian, sing his lays, and rise to God in praise! " 

Gerhardt has, however, builded his own most glorious and enduring 
memorial. It is in his immortal songs. It is a cause of surprise that 
amid the long strife of creeds in which he was a leader, and the severe 
strokes of fortune, he kept his tuneful frame of mind. But outward as- 
saults only drove him to commune with his heart and with God. They 
opened the exhaustless springs of living Christian experience which poured 
forth in all his songs. I know no one, since Luther, to whom the saying 
in Hebrews, " He being dead, yet speaketh," can be more justly applied 
_ ■ . .. . than to Paul Gerhardt. Nor has any but Luther so touched 

Gerhardt next •> 

to Luther. the hearts of German believers. Many of his songs became 

people's songs, and were heard not merely in the church and the house, 
but in the field and the forest. The common remark is a true one, that 
he composed his songs, not like the singers of the Reformation, expressly 
and immediately for the church as the church, but rather for personal 
needs, for the individual soul. They are therefore subjective in charac- 
ter. None the less, there is in them a churchly spirit. He belongs with 
his whole heart to the church. He surrounds the Lutheran creed, fixed 
as it is, with the bloom of a strong, hearty soul life. Paul Gerhardt 
is the last of the strictly church poets who present and exalt faith ob- 
jectively. He is also the first of the masters whose poetry, addressing 
the Christian heart, glows with a personal delight in the objects of faith ; 
is pervaded with a power which, by appropriating the things of heaven, 
conquers death and human woe. 

At one with his songs, Gerhardt vouches for their truthfulness. What 
he sings he is. What he confesses he has verified by his experience. 


A well-moulded mind, a symmetrical Christian, he is in culture a leader 
of his generation. He is its first poet in the form as well as in the sub- 
stance of his productions. If any one stood near him, it was Paul Flem- 
ing, who sang the well-known " Grieve not thyself for aught." It might 
have been supposed that Gerhardt, as a churchman, would have sung 
carefully prepared hymns of doctrine, as an ascetic, — songs in contempt 
of the world. But in fact he was the song-leader of a true Christian 
unity, whom Lutherans and Reformed, with equal delight and devotion, 
have followed. With child-like love flowing from Christ, and free from 
morbid pietistic weakness, he embraces all human relations far and near, 
raising them into a loftier, transfiguring atmosphere. Nor were his songs 
with organ accompaniment always. In the van of armies his songs of 
war resounded, his hymns of victory and of peace. Awakening cheerily 
from sleep he sang, " The golden sun of joy and bliss." Leading the 
farmers and mowers to the fields, he calls them to repeat, " I sing to 
Thee with heart and voice," and bids them praise with him One who 
showers unceasing blessings and benefits upon the earth, singing, " His 
rule has nothing e'er forgot." He summons himself and all who hear to 
a pleasure walk amid the newly awakened blossoms of the earth, in his 

" Go forth, my heart, throw off all sadness, in summer days of light and gladness." 
With buoyant spirit he praises health of body in the song, 
"Who healthy is and whole, to God lift up the soul! " 
He welcomes those who come home from travel, as they approach, cry- 
ing, " Cheer up, the home is near ! " He attends the bridal pair, gar- 
landed with myrtle, to the altar with his lovely lines, " Full pf wonder, 
full of power." He glorifies Christian marriage : — 

" How blest the state, O Christ our Friend, whereon thy blessings rich descend! " 

He sings in imitation of the last chapter of Proverbs, — 

" The wife who fears the Lord, and virtue makes her care, 
We praise and love accord for beauty sweet and rare." 

Yet the grandest songs of Gerhardt are his songs for the church. He 
goes with her the year through, a constant and indispensable companion, 
and especially through her holy-days. Of one hundred and twenty- 
three songs of his, thirty at least have been universally and heartily 
adopted by the German evangelical church. They are wanting in no 
hymn-book worthy of mention. Who does not think of Christ's advent 
when he hears, " How shall I welcome Thee ? " or, " Why dost Thou stand 
without ? " How much would be taken from Christmas were we to lose 
" To thee, Immanuel, we sing," and " Joyfully my heart arises," and " At 
thy cradle here I stand." New Year's requires his pilgrim song, " Come, 
let us journey on." He gives us, too, the key-note, when we think of 
Christ's passion, in " The Lamb shall bear the load," and in that incom- 
parable hymn, " sacred Head, now wounded." His song of the resur- 


rection day, " Rejoice ye, far and near," and " I know that my Redeemer 
lives," — how they bear up the worshiping spirit ! His song of the pen- 
tecostal day, " Enter within my gates," opens the heart to the Comforter 
beyond any other. And whom has not his wonderfully soothing " Now 
be silent, all ye woods," hushed into sweet accord with the silent wood- 
lands and meadows ? What believer has his song of defiance, " Will 
God forth for me go ? " not encouraged and prepared for renewed con- 
test with the powers of darkness ? If all the throng were gathered to- 
gether to whom Paul Gerhardt has spoken in his " Commit thou all thy 
ways," and in his equally enlivening and hearty " Why should I longer 
grieve ? " giving them comfort and resignation of soul, who could number 
them ! 

Enough ! Paul Gerhardt is ours ! Of few men can this be said with 
as genuine pride and as joyous gratitude as we say it of him. His peer 
in sacred song no other nation can boast. May he still, as he has done 
ten thousand times already, sing clouds away from the brow of the anx- 
ious, and mists away from the eyes of the doubting ! May all who hear 
the chords of his harp, or who join in unison, hasten with him to those 
clear, sunny heights where we hear him, far above the storms and the 
tempests of earth, exult with triumphing assurance of approaching vic- 
tory : — 

" Satan, world, and all their army at the worst can only gibe ; 
Gibe and scoff shall never harm me, God will shame the scoffing tribe." 

F. W. K. 


A. D. 1635-A. D. 1705. LUTHERAN, GERMANY. 

If ever, to any servant of God, there has been granted the privilege — 
man being the judge — of effacing every stain of sin, and of arraying 
himself in the beauty of holiness, it has been granted to Spener. For 
this reason, preeminently, he deserves a place in the evangelical calendar. 

The youth of Spener fell in the period when the dreadful effect of the 
Thirty Years' War, with all its woes, was weighing upon the German 
church. The attention of Christians, till now absorbed by questions of 
theology and doctrinal controversies, was beginning to turn to the build- 
ing up of Christian life. This proved helpful to the forming of Spener's 
mind. He was born in 1635, in Rappoltsweiler, in the district of Rap- 
poltstein, in Upper Alsace. His father was first the steward of the count 
of the region, and afterwards his counselor. Spener's boyhood owed 
much to a widowed countess of Rappoltstein, who was his godmother. 
When he was but twelve years old he was so impressed by her death that 
he " wished to depart out of the world along with her," and for a time 


sought to obtain his release from life by prayer to God. Going, when 
fifteen (1651), to Strassburg University, he found John Schmid laboring 
there as professor and preacher, — a man whom his contemporaries de- 
scribe as of the purest Christian character, and as the agent of spiritual 
awakening in many young men. Young Spener, who, knowing nothing 
of conversion, supposed grace to be given in baptism, opened his recep- 
tive heart to the powerful influences around him. Serious, quiet, and 
retiring, he had no better evidence to adduce of his being wicked than 
his attendance upon a dance when he was eleven years of age. He was 
helped, spiritually, by an early study of Arndt's " True Christianity." 
This was the only book on practical piety then possessed by the Lutheran 
church. In a sterile period it guided thousands of souls in the way to 
Christ. Besides, Spener read certain awakening and edifying English 
volumes which strict Lutherans rejected. He passed his college days in 
quiet study. He says, " With dancing and gallant doings, with fencing, 
drinking, shooting, and boxing, I have nothing to do." 

It was then the custom, when a student had completed his course, that he 
should travel as a scholar, for the sake of further intellectual Is tra j ned by 
improvement. Spener set out in 1660 on such a trip, going traveL 
first to Switzerland, to Basel and Geneva, thus for the first time becom- 
ing acquainted with the Reformed church. He had been much preju- 
diced against it by his college teacher, Dannhauer. He became, how- 
ever, very favorably impressed with the Christian life of the Genevese 
clergy and laity. He was especially affected by the discourses of the- 
fiery, enthusiastic preacher of repentance, Labadie, and at a later period 
translated his " Manuel des Prieres " into German. An intended visit 
to Central France had to be given up on account of sickness. He re- 
turned towards the close of the year 1661 to Strassburg. Afterwards 
he went as a traveling companion of the young count Von Rappoltstein 
to Wurtemberg. Such attentions and friendships met him, both in the 
court of Stuttgart and in Tiibiugen University, that many supposed he 
would be secured for the church of Wurtemberg. But a call to Strass- 
burg brought him again to the city which was his second mother. He 
accepted the place of a " free preacher," as it was called, by which he 
had no pastoral work, but only preaching, to do, and hence was able 
to labor also in the university as a " privat-docent." He served the 
church of his land in this subordinate position for only a short time. 
When twenty-one (1666) he was called to be " senior" and pastor of the 
first evangelical church of Frankfort-on-the-Main. The earnest men 
of that day often preferred, instead of conferring in respect to such calls 
with their own inclinations, to ask the mind of theologians of high stand- 
ing, or of the church courts. Spener intrusted the decision in his case 
to the magistrate of the city of Strassburg. He, after consulting with 
the theological faculty, pronounced that this honorable call should be 


regarded as from God, and gave up the promising youth to the imperial 

Spener's field in Frankfort placed great and difficult tasks before him, 
Snener's work especially since he entertained such high views of the claims 
in Frankfort. upon him and his office. To realize in its true ideal the 
Christian Church as portrayed by Paul was the problem to which he set 
himself. The congregation was to be bound together not by the Lutheran 
confession alone, but by a Christian Lutheran belief and life, and to be 
made subject to the threefold rule of state and church and family. How 
different was the condition of things in Frankfort, when Spener went 
thither, and in all the Lutheran churches, from this ideal ! In all estab- 
lished churches the life of faith was seen only in an individual here 
and there. It was so, also, in the great city congregations. In Frank- 
fort discipline and church order had greatly declined. The clergy were 
contented with a mechanical execution of their duties. Their numbers 
were far too few for the performance of pastoral labor. The magistracy, 
who were represented in the church assemblies in the imperial cities by 
a deputation of inspectors, were accustomed more often to hinder and 
oppose than to assist any attempt on the part of the pastors at strict 
church discipline. Spener was possessed of no Elijah zeal in his work 
of reform. His zeal before God was a gentle flame, marked by pru- 
dence, gentleness, and humility. His work in all his varied fields, like his 
general influence upon the church, was characterized by its gentle pro- 
gressiveness. To attack the existing arrangements as little as possible, 
to breathe into them, rather, a new spirit, and thus lead them to some- 
thing better, was the aim of Spener in his work at Frankfort. 

As a foundation for an experience of religion, he purposed, first of all, 
to extend the knowledge of religion among his people. The effort put 
forth by the Lutheran church in this direction was not sufficient. The 
catechising and school-instruction were mostly a mere memorizing. The 
preachers took their texts from the lessons of each Sunday. Their ser- 
mons were too dogmatic and unpractical, and for the mass of the people 
too learned. The saying of Luther, "What is to be doDe by the church 
needs to be begun by young people," was in the mind of Spener. His 
first work was to throw some life into the teaching of the catechism. A 
consultation with his colleagues resulted in their agreeing to discuss the 
doctrine of each week's catechism lesson in the sermon of the previous 
Sunday afternoon. Spener himself rehearsed it, also, in the opening of 
his sermon every Sunday morning. He was not bound as- pastor to at- 
tend to catechising, yet he entered upon it, setting an example to his 
colleagues. Through his tact with the young, he awakened an increas- 
ing interest. His Sunday afternoon exercises in the catechism attracted 
adults as well as children in growing numbers. Spener's first aim, ac- 
cording to the usage of his day, was merely to cause the people to un- 


derstand the truths of religion. But he became more earnest, espe- 
cially after a stranger, who had visited his catechism class, had pressed 
upon him the question, " But how shall we join head and heart ? " in 
his seeking to join with the understanding of truth its application to the 
daily life. He thus came to originate a new and practical method in 
catechetical instruction. His "catechetical tables," one hundred and 
eight in number, which appeared in 1683, were thankfully received and 
used throughout a large territory. In his sermons he aimed at the ut- 
most plainness and simplicity, at thoroughly explaining the Bible, and at 
practically applying it. Though his discourses, by their prevailing didac- 
tic character and lack of what we call enthusiasm, by their diffuseness, 
also, and their extreme length, impress us as dry, still they present the 
rich essence of the gospel, which listeners in those days seldom heard, 
and which gave them an attractiveness that won the hearts alike of the 
learned and the obscure. His preaching was in other ways effective. 
He sought to enlarge the popular knowledge of the Bible. The ap- 
pointed lessons, which sometimes seemed neither fresh nor appropriate, 
were not enough. He therefore, before beginning his sermon proper, 
used to explain passages of Scripture, especially the epistles. Confession 
of sins as then practiced was very unprofitable. In large churches like 
that of Frankfort even the best pastors could hardly obtain a correct 
idea of the mental condition of penitent persons. Yet this was demanded 
by the larger Lutheran catechism, before the rule requiring confession 
was done away. The pastors contented themselves, therefore, with a 
mere repetition of the formula of confession. One of the great sorrows 
of Spener was that by this lifeless form the Lord's Supper was become, 
with both ministers and people, a piece of ritualism (" opus operatum "). 
Many a time did Spener sigh for the church's reviving. In some por- 
tions of the Lutheran body, the existing evil was remedied, at least in 
part, by the pastor visiting communicants at their homes. But Spener 
could not introduce this custom into Frankfort, nor the practice of con- 
firming the young communicants, which he equally desired. 

AH that Spener had done thus far was within the limits of the pre- 
vailing church customs. Not so the private meetings for Spener ^ new 
mutual edification, which soon, under the nickname of " con- measures, 
venticles," were setting the whole church in uproar. In themselves they 
furnished no occasion of offense. They were even approved by the Lu- 
theran church confessions. Conferences (colloquia mutua) of Christians 
respecting matters of religion had been approved and recommended by 
the Smalcald Articles. Certain friends of Spener, who were awakened, 
proposed to meet for conversation upon religion instead of upon other 
subjects. Spener could not but approve their wish, and offered his study 
for their use, and himself as their leader (1670). These were not prayer- 
meetings in our understanding of the name, but social talks, first upon 


certain devotional books, then upon the books of the Bible. From their 
very nature they admitted of none as leaders save the educated. This 
new measure, so very unobjectionable, was not entered upon by Spener 
without consultation with his colleagues. He sought thus to disarm op- 
position. But among worldly spirits of both the clergy and the laity, 
outside of Frankfort especially, evil reports began to circulate. The 
name given the meetings, conferences to promote Christian piety (collo- 
quia pietatis), suggested the nickname of "the Pietists." Before long, 
meetings were held here and there over the city, in some cases without 
the pastors having any part in them, and with excesses also, such as com- 
pelled Spener, in one instance, to insist upon putting an end to the con- 
ference. There was also a more serious result. These social gatherings 
of persons of like minds for edification afforded to many greater profit 
than the public worship of the church. Those of more serious turn 
began to doubt as to the propriety of joining in the Lord's Supper with 
the great promiscuous crowd. Thus, to the displeasure of strong church- 
men and to the grief of Spener, these conventicles promoted " separa- 
tism." But Spener succeeded in what few leaders accomplish, — the 
checking of those among his followers who proposed to surpass their 
teachers in zeal for holiness. A publication of his, full of wisdom and 
spiritual discernment ("Abuse and Use of Complaints over Christian 
Degeneracy," 1684), made such an impression far and wide that, as 
Spener says, " nearly all the estranged ones " returned to the church. 
None the less the cause of offense remained, and the seeds of separatism 
were planted in the district of the Rhine. 

But of all Spener's labors in Frankfort on the church's behalf, nothing 
was so significant and effective as his little work, " Pia 

Spener's most s 

effective book. Desideria," or, " Heart-Longings for a Revival of Piety in 
the Evangelical Church," 1675. In this book Spener uttered the desires 
and cravings which had been in many souls ever since the war, but had 
not before found expression. Beginning with the cry of Jeremiah, " Oh, 
that my head were waters ! " he presents from his deeply stirred spirit 
the wounds of the church, and the means of healing them : (1.) The more 
general circulation of the Scriptures, with meetings in private for a thor- 
ough study of their meaning. (2.) The improvement and faithful exercise 
of the pastoral office ; the laity to cooperate with the pastors in edifying 
one another, especially by means of family religion and prayer. (3.) The 
serious truth that to know is not enough in religion ; practical experience 
must be added. (4.) Correct relations with errorists and unbelievers; 
controversy in the true spirit of love, with a wish not simply to convince, 
but to benefit, the one opposing. (5.) Some way of studying theology 
which will make students as earnest in living Christian lives as in study- 
ing their books. (6.) Some other way of preaching, which will present as 
the chief truth that Christianity signifies a new man, the essence of his 


life being faith, and its activity consisting in bringing forth good fruits. 
Spener's book was met from all sides, and from leading theologians, with 
letters of approval. Both pastors and people expressed publicly their 
gratitude. His measures, and especially the religious colloquies, were 
put into practice by earnest pastors. " Orthodoxy," if deeply wounded, 
was entirely silent. Spener had not been moderate in his expressions, 
but had added strength to his complaints and charges by bringing for- 
ward upon his side distinguished church authorities. 

Thus twenty years passed with Spener in a blessed work in the city 
of Frankfort. Secret envy and opposition he found, his foremost op- 
poser being the court preacher Mentzer, in Darmstadt. Yet in the whole 
tribe of controversial theologians, then so ready with their pens, only 
a single voice accused Spener's orthodoxy, — a certain deacon Dilfeld, 
of Nordhausen, whose weak and obscure attacks were without result. 
Spener, having studied under Dannhauer, the strong Lutheran leader of 
the church in Strassburg, was yet an upholder of Lutheran orthodoxy 
in its strictest form. One proof of this is his severe sermon, preached 
in Strassburg, against the Reformed (1667), and his upholding from the 
pulpit, against his opponents, the " elenchus nominalis." The champions 
of Lutheran orthodoxy, even Calov, the inflexible Wittenberg inquisitor, 
sent him friendly letters. Yet already the agitation which was to end 
all this harmony was beginning. The religious awakening, which had 
risen independently of him, but had been greatly promoted by his efforts, 
was all this while growing. Spener was looking for a new age of bless- 
ing in the church. In 1675 he writes, "I have joyfully observed that in 
several places students are aroused. Such movements of hearts seen in 
many at the same time are a clear proof of the divine presence, and 
show that a time is at hand when God will have pity upon his church. 
Know that not in our church only is this evidence seen, but among the 
Reformed, too, are many who are caring for the cause of God; and even 
among the Catholics, in their dense darkness, some are concerned about 
their condition. For quite a time I have seen that which resembles the 
events preceding the Reformation under Luther." 

Spener's light was now to be set upon a loftier candlestick. He was 
to become more than ever a centre of the awakening spener called to 
throughout Germany. He received a call in 1686 to be- Dresden - 
come chief court preacher in Saxony, having a seat and a voice also in 
the supreme consistory. This was at that time the highest place in the 
evangelical German church. Spener modestly sought the opinions of de- 
vout theologians upon his accepting or declining the call. Only when he 
was advised by them unanimously to accept, did he consent to go. It 
was chai'acteristic of the man that in his correspondence on this business 
with Carpzov, the Saxon court preacher (which is still preserved), he 
had to be reminded by the latter to ask in reference to his future salary. 


But even though Spener's new field in Dresden was larger and more 
important, what could inviting waters avail when opposing winds were 
beating upon the sails ! Spener bewailed " the opposition upon every 
side. That I interest myself in a matter is of itself enough to prevent 
anything being done." In Frankfort he had had to lament that many 
a good enterprise failed through the ill will or indifference of the magis- 
tracy. Yet he could there throw his own weight as " senior " into the 
scale, as well as the authority of a united body of pastors who were well 
disposed to him. But in Saxony he was but a single spoke in the bu- 
reaucratic driving wheel. He found opposers, open and secret, among his 
colleagues ; he had dubious friends at the court, and declared foes in the 
majorities of the theological faculties of Leipzig and Wittenberg. The 
favorable beginnings having vanished, this was the condition of affairs 
after 1689. In March of that year Spener felt compelled by his con- 
science as a pastor to address a serious discourse to the elector, putting it 
in writing, because personal access to the elector, who hardly ever stayed 
Loses favor by m Dresden three days at a time, was out of the question. 
faithfulness. ^ once his hitherto well-disposed princely patron was 
turned to his most bitter enemy. Through the strict precaution of 
Spener the nature of his communication was never disclosed. Yet it 
may be inferred from what Spener says in a letter to his son-in-law 
Reichenberg. He writes under date of April 15, 1689, "What has been 
told you of the elector's sickness has not reached our ears, but if he con- 
tinues to live as he is doing his sudden death is prophesied by his physi- 
cians." Then, when George Third, taken ill in the camp at Tubingen in 
September, 1691, died suddenly, Spener tells his son-in-law that the 
prince has died of " intestinis corruptis." How great was the elector's 
respect for Spener as a man, in spite of his wrath at his letter, is seen 
in the reply, which with all its passion yet is profoundly reverent. It is 
also proven by the prince's letter of dismissal, in which he pledges an 
annuity to the wife of Spener in the event of the death of the latter. 
A disposition as shy and modest as Spener's could have taken the bold 
step named only through divine courage. He verifies the truth so well 
expressed by Francke in his tract, " Nicodemus, or the Fear of Man," 
that he ceases to fear man who fears God. With the conviction that he 
had done in his office all that prudence and deference required, Spener 
stood unmoved by the consequences of princely disfavor, or by the re- 
joicings of his enviers and foes. He declined to ask a dismissal, accord- 
ing to the prince's request, preferring to drink 'the bitter cup which, now 
that he was powerless, was offered him by courtiers and by his colleagues. 
Neither the declaration of the enraged prince to his chief privy coun- 
selor " that the sight of Spener, if continued, would oblige him to change 
his residence," nor his threat to turn Catholic, could alter Spener's decis- 
ion. To meet the prince's desire, nothing was left the privy council save 


to obtain work elsewhere for the hated court preacher. An opportunity 
offered in Berlin. Spener had some time before been offered a place as 
" provost " of the church in that city. He had answered that the two 
courts should settle his place between them. Berlin had supposed that 
the elector would not give Spener up, and had proffered the gpener is called 
vacant office to another. This person now dying, the am- to Berhn - 
bassador of Saxony in Berlin arranged that the court of Berlin should 
send for Spener. When this was done, Spener joyfully wrote his son- 
in-law that " the hour of deliverance had struck." He was to go to Berlin 
as provost and counselor of the consistory. His departure had hardly 
been announced when Carpzov of Leipzig came out against " Pietism," 
for this name was used in Saxony, now that Francke and his friends in 
Leipzig had opened their Bible schools (collegia biblica). 

Spener's Dresden work had continued four years. The obstacles in 
his way had continually increased. His wisdom, which was ever great 
and grew by trial, forbade his attempting to set up his religious confer- 
ences in that city. Yet his stay was not without blessed results. The 
Saxon clergy, stiff in orthodoxy, had received a stirring up. Many of 
them grew ashamed of their ancient slowness. The three Leipzig mas- 
ters, Francke, Anton, and Schade, brought together by Spener's counsel 
and invitation, kindled a fire among the students and the people. In 
Dresden the electors and several nobles and statesmen were won to the 
side of the gospel. 

In Berlin, Spener found his position, in most if not in all respects, better 
than in Dresden. The elector, Frederick Second, who took as king the 
title of Frederick First, and his second wife, Sophia Charlotte, who was 
inclined to skepticism, gave him no especial cause of joy. His parish 
was an untilled field ; his colleagues, save Schade, who came into office 
soon after him, were no great help to him. Still, instead of hate on the 
part of the government, he met a welcome, and instead of a nervous Lu- 
theran orthodoxy, he found liberal and tolerant reformed ideas. His coun- 
sels were listened to by the Christian counselor Von Schweinitz, and in 
some degree by minister Von Fuchs. His catechising, his preaching, his 
charges to the preachers under his inspection, his intercourse with the can- 
didates, prepared the soil in Berlin, and gained in general an acceptance. 
He exerted especial influence in the filling of important positions, and 
above all in the founding of the new University of Halle, which was to 
be thenceforth the centre of pietistic revival. He also lent protection 
by his intercession to persecuted Pietists, who were now attacked, in part 
justly, in part unjustly, from every quarter. 

The more the revival of religion grew, the less did it keep within the 
limits set to it by the prudence of Spener. As in the Ref- Spener and t h e 
ormation, men arose who would carry their views to an German revival, 
extreme. Unsound leaders opposed churchly authority. The " restora- 


tion of all things " was preached. Excited fancies called forth visions, ec- 
stasies, and marvelous cures. Some became separatists through excess- 
ive zeal for the church's purity. Others became mystics through unin- 
telligent ideas upon holiness of life. Spener was affected most seriously 
by the controversy upon the abuse of confession, conducted as it was 
with great passion by some of his adherents. He was directly concerned 
in this dispute, which related especially to private confession and to pri- 
vate absolution, by which forgiveness of sins was proffered a multitude 
who were either not known at all to the one administering the sacrament, 
or were known unfavorably. Among the warmest debaters was his col- 
league and intimate friend, the eloquent Schade, who, in 1697, published 
a tract ending with the words, " Praise it, who will, confession-stool, 
Satan's-stool, hell-pool ! " [Beicht-stuhl, Satan's-stuhl, feuer-pfuhl.] 

Spener complained bitterly to Francke that his most trying cares and 
woes came not from his foes, but from his friends. He could hardly 
restrain the fiery Francke in Halle from extremes in respect to confession. 
It required still greater pains to keep Schade in office, excusing him from 
hearing confessions, against all the precedents of Lutheranism. A yet 
greater innovation upon Lutheranism was the edict of 1698, which left it 
free to Lutheran communicants to attend private confession, or to absent 
themselves from it. 

Amid these extreme views, which made it hard to distinguish between 
truth and error, Spener's wisdom and theological depth assisted him to 
correct decisions, and to join the care of the individual conscience with 
the care of church-ordinances. His circumspection is seen in his judg- 
ment of the ecstasies and visions which came into notice. When asked 
to consider the supposed revelations of Fraulein von Asseburg, he said : 
" Extraordinary supernatural events have, indeed, not prevailed in the 
church since the days of the Apostles, but the possibility of such must 
not be denied, any more than that like occurrences have, according to 
history, been known in all centuries. But there must be the strictest 
tests, and the greatest care taken to distinguish the false from the true. 
With what he knew of Asseburg and her devout character, he could deem 
her revelations neither a fraud nor a work of Satan. He could not, how- 
ever, decide whether they came from inspiration or from her gift of imag- 
ination. The latter was able to produce extraordinary results with persons 
either asleep or awake. They had never yet been explained by the laws of 
nature, which were but imperfectly known. Should he, after a long lapse 
of time and strict examination, find that these revelations surpassed the 
powers of nature and of imagination, he must regard them as from God, 
and intended, perhaps, to give a new example of the wonders of God to 
men who were disposed to atheism, and to show how near we may be to 
the fulfillment of many of the divine promises. But so long as such a con- 
clusion was not established by certain tests, it became him and the other 


members of the council to withhold their decision, following the advice of 
Gamaliel. From like fear of plucking up a plant which the Father had 
planted, he refrained all his life from reading Jacob Bonnie's works. So 
far as he could judge they were too obscure to be subjected to the the- 
ological crucible. 

Spener's carefulness in controversy availed little with foes who wel- 
comed any undue efflorescence of the pietistic movement in Spener ^ a con . 
order that they might condemn the entire tree and its fruits, fcoversiaiist. 
The flood-gates were opened by Roth (pastor first at Halle, then at Leip- 
zig) in his abusive book, "A Portrait of Pietism" (Imago Pietismi, 1691). 
From, all directions the flood rushed in on the Pietists, and especially 
upon Spener. The united faculty of Wittenberg published " Christian 
Lutheran Views in Clear, Candid Teachings, according to the Word of 
God and the Lutheran Church-Books, especially the Augsburg Confes- 
sion, and the Unrighteous Opposing Views of the Works of Dr. Spener." 
No less than two hundred and eighty-three errors, it was claimed, were 
found in Spener's writings. Spener prepared an answer to all the princi- 
pal assaults upon him. He was obliged to this by the theological code of 
honor of a period which was drawing to its close. Whoever did not an- 
swer assaults was counted defeated. Spener regretted that so much time 
must be wasted in this war with the pen, which could have been used 
so much more profitably in building up the church. Had it even been a 
scholarly controversy upon essentials, such as the earlier Lutherans 
waged, it had been regarded by him differently, but as the champions of 
orthodoxy lost confidence in their cause, and as their scholarly prepara- 
tion decreased, they betook themselves the more eagerly to hateful per- 
sonalities and common pratings. Yet one good came from the contro- 
versy forced upon the good man. His Christian character was displayed 
in so pure and lovable a form that it won the reverence of every unprej- 
udiced person, and offered mankind a model of the way in which relig- 
ious debates should be conducted. Spener thought of nothing save the 
cause at issue. He avoided personalities even when his foes showed 
personal shortcomings ; he never used hot language ; he made excuses for 
the errors of his opponents ; he promised them his prayers, with him 
no empty formality. What a contrast with Luther's polemics ! What 
a difference, not in times only, but in natures ! It is like the difference 
between Luther and Melancthon, or such as Luther makes between him- 
self and Brenz, saying, " If I may compare great things with small, I of 
Elijah's four gifts have received the wind, the storm, and the fire, rending 
the mountains and tearing the rocks in sunder ! Thou, and whoever is 
like thee, hast been given the gently sighing breeze ! " Nothing shows 
Spener's evenness of character like his declaring that he had never 
through the attacks of his foes passed a sleepless night. He refused the 
praise bestowed upon his gentleness in controversy, saying, " I count my 


moderation no virtue, but in part a natural gift, in j?art a result of my 
habits from youth up, which make it difficult for me to use hard words 
upon serious questions." He is here referring to his moderate tone in 
replying to the Romanist Breving, for which, in fact, he was less to be 
praised than rebuked. 

But whatever Spener's temperament, his uniform gentleness and love 
amid unprecedented abuse can hardly be counted merely natural. Rather 
it was the result of that devout education of the mind which Spener in 
his modesty called " an acquired habit." This being Spener's nature, he 
did not welcome aid when it was proffered in a spirit unlike his own. 
When a satire over the pseudonym of Daniel Harnacks was published 
against Spener's most bitter foe, John Frederick Mayer of Hamburg, 
Spener remarked, " Albeit my opponent's weaknesses and faults are 
shown in these pages so that many will think I should be delighted, I 
am rather disgusted. I recognize that the good cause which I, with 
other Christians, am carrying on, will become suspected and ruined 
through nothing so soon as through abusive and anonymous writings, for 
which we are not to blame, which we rather abhor. The champion for 
truth and the honor of God needs to use the weapons which Paul name's 
(Ephesians v.) against the enemy." 

The immense load of labor which Spener took upon him, the most of 
it voluntarily, was sustained by him only through his conscientious use of 
time and his enjoyment in general of good health. His official duties in 
Dresden and Berlin were enough for one man's strength. In a Berlin 
letter he mentions that he is obliged to attend consistory meetings, lasting, 
with a brief interval for dinner, from eight A. m. till seven p. m. But, as 
Spener's work as we nave seen, he enlarged, of his own free will, his official 
an author. work. Then how many books he wrote, each of them, as of 

his sermons, bearing his marks of careful elaboration ! Caustein's cata- 
logue records seven folios printed during his life, sixty-three quartos, 
seven octavos, forty-six duodecimos, besides many jirefaces to the works 
of friends, or to recommend old books of devotional character. To all 
this must be added the visits constantly paid him by the high and the 
low, the advice which he was asked to give, which may be found in part 
in the volume of his " opinions," and the letters which he wrote to a 
vast number of persons in all parts of Germany, who sought counsel or 
information, or perhaps only the honor of the correspondence. In one 
year Spener notes six hundred letters written by him, leaving three hun- 
dred still unanswered. He considered that all his time belonged to his 
office. He seldom went to dinners or social gatherings. In nine years 
at Berlin he saw the farm belonging to his provostship only twice. But 
in addition to family prayers he maintained private devotions morning 
and evening. His faithfulness in them proves the rich endowments of 
his heart. Every person who commended himself to his prayers, and 


others for whom he felt a concern, of his own accord, were presented to 
God by name. 

When we come to his married life, we are forced to smile as he tells 
us that, feeling that from his seriousness he could not be attentive enough 
to a wife, he had resolved to marry some widow who had been used to a 
crabbed husband, and would therefore not be expecting many gallant at- 
tentions. But by the advice of his mother and of an uncle, he chose a 
woman for whom, as he said afterwards, he could not thank God enough. 
He was given much anxiety by three of his sons, in whom, however, be- 
fore their deaths, their father's labor bore fruit. The son who gave the 
most gladdening promise in religion was taken away by death at twenty 
years of age, while studying for the ministry. 

As was said by us in beginning, as far as Spener's life is known to 
us, — and witnesses are abundant to his public and his private acts, — we 
know of no man in the company of the toilers and champions in the 
kingdom of God, of whom it can be said in like measure, Behold a soul 
in whom Christ has, indeed, formed his image ! We have been permitted 
to see several hundreds of his letters to his nearest kindred, his chil- 
dren, and his most intimate friends ; in all of these is the same loving, 
devoted, gentle, and pure spirit as was seen by the public. Even in the 
Dresden period, when the unrighteous anger of his prince was poured 
upon him, when the exultation of his foes in court and in nation mocked 
him, he uttered not a harsh word, nor a cutting personality, nor indeed 
does he make any definite communication concerning their plottings. In 
writing to his wayward sons, he shows a holy fatherly seriousness along 
with a hearty burning affection. 

The temjiests which raged about Spener, the greater part of his life, 
did not subside toward its close. Rather they grew fiercer Spener in mion 
through the attempts of the Brandenburg government at a efforts - 
union of the Lutheran and the Reformed. Spener had grown con- 
stantly more lenient towards divergency in doctrine which did not touch 
the essentials. He was especially so towards the Reformed. He sup- 
pressed the severe sermon against them, preached by him in Frankfort, 
and on his dying bed ordered that it never be republished. Yet he 
held to his belief that every error in doctrine had its influence upon the 
life. But as he came nearer to individuals whose doctrine he disap- 
proved, he was convinced that, very illogically, error in doctrine could 
exist along with honesty and purity of life. He said, "When a Christian 
meets one who, as he finds from intimate intercourse, is making God's 
service the chief aim of his whole life, and whose creed is to trust to 
nothing in the wide world save to the mercy of God in Christ, though 
such an one be a member of an erring church, and himself share in its 
errors, he is to be regarded as a child of God." Hence came Spener's 
conviction that all the errors of the Reformed church, respecting predes- 


tination, the two natures of Christ, and the presence of Christ in the 
Supper, were " more mistakes of theory than of practice." When Spener 
thought thus, it was hardly to be supposed that he would oppose the 
union conferences of the leading theologians in the two churches, ap- 
pointed by Frederick First. But his practical mind perceived that a 
union was not to be effected in this manner, at least at that period. The 
teachers of the two churches, he believed, were still too greatly opposed 
to one another, for a union thus attained to be enduring. He deemed 
it inevitable that a greater schism would result from the effort, and, in- 
stead of two parties, three or four. Invited by the king to take part in 
the conferences, he declined. Yet he was obliged to experience that the 
blame of starting this union work was laid, fkst and chiefly, upon him, 
the " patriarch of heretics." 

In the year following (1704) Spener had the first warning of the ap- 
Spener's closing P roacn °f death. He gathered his colleagues (June 11th) 
da y s - in the Nicolai Church, in order to declare to them once 

more, as was the custom then with the leaders of the Lutheran church, 
his hearty agreement with the Lutheran confession, and above all, that 
he bore no resentment against his adversaries, but wished from the bot- 
tom of his heart to meet all of tbem in glory. For a while he recov- 
ered strength, but upon the 5th of February, 1705, he suddenly and 
quietly took his departure, in the arms of his loved ones, going to a 
world where, away from strife and battle, he should reap what he had 
richly sown. On the night before his death he asked that the high 
priestly prayer of Christ (John xvii.) be read to him, not once only, but 
twice and thrice. He had ever deeply loved the prayer, but never had 
preached upon it because he did not sufficiently understand it. 

Spener was God's agent in a great work. A time had to come when 
the church of his century, stiffened as it was in its outward ecclesiasti- 
cism, should appropriate the truths of Christianity in a living and spirit- 
ual manner. If it was to be led to enjoy a revival, without a seces- 
sion, such as was threatened by an everywhere rising separatism, there 
had to be a man like Spener who would unite the orthodoxy of former 
days with personal religiou in a thorough and attractive manner, and 
who, by his theological ability and by his awakening of regard for himself 
and for his piety, would serve as an agent and a leader of the desired con- 
summation. The charming combination of churchly and personal relig- 
ion which was seen in Spener did not continue to be shown in his fol- 
lowers. Even Halle, which was for the longest period the nursery of 
his views and his spirit, became one-sided. Yet a breath of life had gone 
forth from Spener over the church, which was to fructify it through a. 
hundred years, and still it is at work, in that theology in the church is 
beginning to separate itself from dogmatism. — A. T. 



A. D. 1663-A. D. 1727. LUTHERAN, GERMANY. 

" God is able to make all grace abound toward you : tbat ye always 
having all sufficiency in all things may abound to every good work." 
One day as August Francke heard that a friend was in a very needy 
condition, these words came into his mind. He pondered them, asking 
whether God could not make him also abound. Nor did he, like many, 
simply look above him, but also within him and around him. He thought 
that possibly his hand already held the spade with which he should dig 
for buried treasures. He set himself down, and, since all the rest of his 
hours were occupied, robbed himself of his evenings to compose his 
"Bible Observations" (Observationes Biblical). He thus earned within 
a year over one hundred and fifty dollars for his friend. It was Francke's 
fidelity to duty that made him all that he was to Christendom and to man- 
kind. Each morning he was wont to say to himself that possibly he had 
passed his last night upon the earth, and as God was granting him the 
boon of another day, he would spend it as if it were the last gracious gift 
of God to himself. Such a view of life taught him to be faithful in little 
things. His life-story, therefore, urges upon every soul the question, 
How great is thy faithfulness ? This interrogation is written upon 
Francke's career, " Who then is that faithful and wise steward ? " 

The amount that any one person can achieve depends upon his times 
as well as upon himself, for there are unfruitful as well as fruitful years. 
Francke began life at the beginning of a plenteous season. Near the 
close of the seventeenth century the church of Luther was revived. Men 
had risen up like Arndt, Spener, Miiller, and Scriver. Lay workers had 
joined them. The birth of Francke took place at this era. He was born 
in 1663, in Liibeck. When he was three years old his 
father, a doctor of law, removed his family to Gotha, the cap- 
ital of duke Ernest the Pious, a zealous supporter of religion. From both 
father and mother August inhaled an atmosphere of piety. When nine 
years old he asked his mother for a little room of his own, where he 
might study and pray by himself. There he used to repeat this prayer : 
" Dear Lord, I know that there are, indeed, many positions and occupa- 
tions which may at last be made to redound to thy honor ! But I ask 
that Thou wouldst direct my whole life, from first to last, to thy glory, 
to thy glory only." But it is hard for the rich to enter the kingdom ; 
hard for the rich in mind and in acquirements. Francke found that along 
with his knowledge, his ambition grew also, while the tender germ of 
piety withered. When sixteen years old (1679) he entered Erfurt Uni- 
versity ; from there, the same year, he went to the University of Kiel, and 


five years later, at the invitation of a wealthy student of theology in Leip- 
zig, who wished him for a room-mate, he entered the university of that 
city. The Lutherans of Saxony were then feeling the awakening influ- 
ences of Spener. Francke met, in Leipzig, Christians with whose aid he 
founded a society for Bible study (collegium philobiblicum). This was 
not for scholarly investigation merely, but for mutual edification. Francke, 
as he afterwards confessed, could not say at that time, " My only love is 
the Crucified One." Christ was not his all in all. Honor and prosperity 
were also his cherished objects. Not till he was twenty-three, did he, 
during a stay in Liineburg with the devout and learned superintendent 
Landhagen, come to know himself more fully, and to confess, "I looked 
over my past life, as one looks from a lofty tower over an entire city. At 
first I began counting the sins, but afterward I beheld their fountain-head, 
unbelief, or rather false belief, with which till now I had deceived myself." 
One who is ignorant of himself looks upon faith in a merciful God as an 
easy matter. So for a long time had Francke. But when the youth saw 
clearly the self-will and impurity of his heart, he was forced to cry, as 
with wounded conscience he lost sight of God, " O God, if Thou art, then 
show Thyself to me." He who, at a later day, inscribed upon his Orphan 
House, " They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength ; they 
shall mount up with wings as eagles," was obliged once to offer, as he 
tells us himself, the prayer just named. He resolved never to preach 
more. Then after a hard struggle there came to his heart the blessed 
assurance, in the face of all his accusers, that he had in his Lord Jesus 
Christ a reconciled God. 

Happy in faith, Francke felt like the Apostle, " We cannot but speak." 
Francke-s ood He returned to Leipzig (1689), thinking to lead others to 
work in Leipzig. Q. Q( J. The teachers of the Lutheran church had, in the 
midst of their dry doctrinal discussions, forgotten and forsaken, to an in- 
credible extent, the green' pastures of the Holy Scriptures. Spener 
says, " I know persons who stayed at the university six years and never 
heard a lecture upon exegesis." Francke relates that in his day there 
were no Bibles or Testaments to be found in the Leipzig bookstores. 
He therefore announced that he would deliver exegetical and practical 
lectures upon the New Testament. Soon there was such a hungering 
and thirsting for religion excited, that the citizens also came, and the lect- 
ure-room was too small. No sooner did spiritual activity awaken, than op- 
position arose also. The sect-name of " Pietists " was invented. Francke 
was set down as their leader. In 1690 his lectures were forbidden.- He 
thought of maintaining his position none the less, when another field was 
opened up to him. Through his friend Breithaupt, a pastor in Erfurt, 
who shared his views, he received a call to that city, which he accepted. 
In Erfurt he soon gave an illustration of how a true love of God and of 
his people will quicken the inventive powers. Francke was by no means 


satisfied with the ordinary work of his office, preaching, confessing, and 
cathechising. For the benefit of Erfurt students he gave practical lect- 
ures every day upon the Scriptures. He arranged with the members of 
his church for preaching in their houses. He procured and distributed 
Testaments, Arndt's " True Christianity," and other awakening works. 
As the revival grew, opposition grew also. The Romanist citizens 
succeeded in obtaining from Mainz an electoral decree which obliged 
Francke, after fifteen months of blessed activity, to leave Erfurt. Again 
was a door opened to him of God. Through his friend Spener, who was 
now in Berlin, Francke received an invitation, the very day the order 
came for him to leave Erfurt within forty-eight hours, to enter the elect- 
oral territories of Brandenburg, and to settle as a professor in the newly 
founded University of Halle. 

In Halle, Francke's divinely kindled heart found (1692) in many 
directions an ever-widening sphere of usefulness. Here he Francke begins 
builded an imperishable monument. Preacher, professor, work m Halle - 
guardian, orphan-father, director of mission and Bible societies, his lov- 
ing genius served to pioneer the way into many and varied fields. Tak- 
ing charge as preacher of the town of Glaucha, a part of Halle, he 
found a territory utterly waste. Where in our day the row of buildings 
upon the Orphan House Place, founded by him, rises with the inscrip- 
tion, " They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength ; they 
shall mount up with wings as eagles," he saw at that time a group of 
miserable huts with beer and dance houses, one in particular called 
" The Eagle," which were inhabited by a coarse and neglected set of 
people. He preached to these persons of repentance and of the gospel, 
upon a rule which he had adopted, that he would never preach a sermon 
without including in it so much of the gospel that if his hearers heard 
but that one sermon, they might be led to accept salvation. Preaching 
rather sows seed than waters or nourishes it. It may accomplish the 
latter also, but the watering and the nurturing belong more especially to 
personal conversation, which is so unspeakably beneficial. By this the 
sermon is fitted to the individual conscience. Francke made the confes- 
sional his pulpit for the heart of each individual. He found that many 
were kept from the Sacrament by the fee paid at the confessional. Re- 
flecting upon this he self-denyingly surrendered this part of his small in- 
come. Another way to help the sermon in carrying the water of life to 
the people was the catechising. This channel was choked up when 
Spener arose. The pastors deemed themselves too great to be the 
teachers of the little ones. Francke's childlike mind delighted in chil- 
dren. His knowledge, too, of how imperfectly the sermon was under- 
stood by adult persons, led him diligently to practice catechising from 
house to house, as well as in the church. Prayer meetings also were 
begun, at first in private houses, then, when opposition was made, in the 
church itself. 


As a university teacher (from 1692, professor of Greek and Oriental 
languages; from 1698, regular professor of theology) Francke's chief 
aim was to employ the science of theology (which can be understood 
only by means of a lively faith) in connection with other means of grace 
to awaken and advance the Christian life. He never made science his 
object, but simply his help in attaining his object, which was to establish 
his hearers in the faith, and to increase their ability to lead their con- 
gregations to Jesus Christ. Hence he joined with his lectures, which all 
tended to religious awakening, hortatory addresses, " intended to show 
the hindrances in the way of students of theology attaining their true 
ends, and how to overcome such hindrances." These addresses were 
delivered upon Thursdays, in the large hall, at an hour when all the 
other theological lectures were over, so that the students could all attend. 
In them the good Francke entered with candor into all the faults and 
failings of student life. He lived to derive from them greater blessings, 
as he said, than from all his other lectures. 

Francke's renown throughout the world has come, more than from 
Founds his aught else, from his Orphan House. As everything which 

orphan House. j s ma rked by the spirit of God has the "mustard-seed" 
character, and has grown from small beginnings, so was it with this great 
enterprise of Christian benevolence. It was the custom that on a cer- 
tain clay beggars should seek alms at jn'ivate houses. Not satisfied with 
giving them merely bread for their bodies, Francke began to catechise 
them, both the old and the young. He discovered among them such 
utter ignorance of religion, that he began to think of providing a school 
for them. He set up a little alms-box and gathered contributions for this 
object. He at once received four thalers and sixteen groschen, and took 
courage to begin a little school in his own study. In less than a year he 
found the place too small. He was pained, however, to see that the 
children's home-life destroyed what his school had builded up. He 
therefore formed the idea of taking the entire training of a few children 
upon himself. A house was purchased for this poor school. Twelve or- 
phans, to which number the four with whom he began quickly increased, 
were received into it. The next year a new house was purchased. The 
instruction of the orphans and that of the children of town's-people were 
separated. For pupils prepared to take up advanced studies, a new de- 
partment was opened (1699). Out of this grew the Orphan House 
Gymnasium, or Latin School, as it was termed, which even in 1709 was 
attended by two hundred and fifty-six children, of whom sixty-four were 
orphans. The two houses proved so inadequate for the increasing num- 
bers that in 1698, the foundation for the new buildings of the Orphan 
House, as it is now, had to be laid. There was no capital at hand, upon 
which the new enterprise could depend. It rested wholly upon faith. 
As Francke says, " From week to week, from month to month, has the 


Lord crumbled to me, even as one crumbles the bread to little chickens, 
what the immediate exigency has demanded." Others, after him, have 
tried to do the same, and have been like the man who began to build a 
tower, but could not finish it, and was mocked of the passers-by. " Empty 
thyself, I will fill thee," is the first lesson to be learned by every one 
whom God would make rich. Unless the humility which will forego 
self be mingled with believing courage, in equal" measure, there will no 
success follow. 

One good thought and plan stirs up another. Francke's inventive 
benevolence, after doing great things, was by no means exhausted. Ad- 
ditional institutions of charity were added to the Orphan House. By 
one wealthy benefactor Francke was intrusted with four thousand thalers, 
to found an establishment for Christian unmarried women, whether noble 
or common. One of the Glaucha taverns, " The Corsair," was purchased 
(1704), and devoted to God for this purpose. Already (1698) the de- 
vout baron Canstein had purchased a house in Glaucha for pious widows, 
and intrusted it to the Orphan House directors. Besides the schools al- 
ready named for orphans and for the children of the citizens and of the 
poor, there was established a grammar-school for the children of the 
wealthy and noble. This too had a small and unexpected beginning. A 
noble widow came to Francke for a pious tutor. Francke himself prof- 
fered to teach in Halle the children of noble families, but the number 
of pupils under the renowned teacher grew so that by 1713 a grand 
building was erected for their accommodation. A catechetical school 
^(collegium catecheticum) was organized in connection with the university 
in which the students might exercise themselves with the children of the 
Orphan House in the very neglected art of catechizing. Also an Oriental 
theological school (collegium orientale theologicum), in which men should 
be trained for the higher posts in the church, by acquiring a thorough 
knowledge of the Greek, Hebrew, and Oriental languages. As the gram- 
mar-school prospered more and more, there was a desire for a like insti- 
tution for the daughters of noble and wealthy families. Such a one was 
established in 1709, with the expressed jourpose of leading the hearts of 
these also to the Lord. 

For teaching all these schools much youthful talent was, of course, 
demanded. But when faith has begun to exert all its pow- How he found 
ers for God, one hand assists the other. Francke's success tea c hers 
in teaching was wonderfully furthered by this, that so many young stu- 
dents could obtain a support while practicing their gifts of teaching under 
the oversight of himself or of his like-minded associates. A free table 
was opened (1690) for twenty-four students who taught in the schools. 
As the number grew, other needy students were admitted who did not 
teach. Francke reported in 1714 that " one hundred and fifty theolog- 
ical students have the privilege of the ' ordinary ' table in return for two 


hours' teaching each day. At the ' extraordinary ' dinner, one hundred 
and fifty-four students are accommodated without any return being 

By the year 1705, the number of orphans had grown to one hundred 
and twenty-five, of school-children to eight hundred and four, and until 
the middle of the century they continued to increase. The foes of the 
schools lent help. An investigation set on foot by them, and conducted by 
the notables of the duchy of Magdeburg, redounded to the credit of the 
schools. In May, 1714, one thousand and seventy-five boys, and seven 
hundred and sixty girls, were instructed by one hundred and eight teach- 
ers. This increase called for other establishments of various kinds, es- 
pecially to afford employment to the orphans. These became very ex- 
tensive. Particularly was this true of the Orphan House apothecary 
store. Some secret remedies, of which the chemical formulas had been 
intrusted in manuscripts by Christian people to Francke, were, after vari- 
ous failures, successfully prepared. For example, the now well-known 
" essentia amara," and " essentia dulcis." They were used with extraor- 
dinary success. Under the leadership of the devout and scholarly phy- 
sician, Puchter, who had placed the profits of his work, as well as his 
patrimony, at the disposal of his pastor, Francke, this dispensary and 
its preparations gained such renown, especially through the confidence 
felt in it by Christian people, that its medicines went beyond Germany, 
and even to America and Africa. The profit resulting covered in a 
large part the expense of the institution. There also arose the Orphan 
House book establishment, in part called for by the wants of the schools, 
and by the numerous publications issued by Francke. It was conducted 
by that distinguished Christian, Elers, who put his income at the disposal 
of the Orphan House, and was content to receive clothing and food. The 
business grew sd greatly that it required warehouses in distant cities, in 
Stettin and in Berlin. 

Two other great enterprises, less closely connected with the Orphan 

House, were yet promoted by it. One was the Bible House 
the foreign for the circulation of cheap Bibles among the poor, which 

was originated by the baron Von Canstein. Begun with the 
help of Francke, and of the Orphan House presses, it was after the death 
of Canstein (1719) carried on by Francke himself. Through stereotyp- 
ing, a copy of the New Testament was sold for two groschen, of the 
■entire Bible for ten or twelve groschen. This benefaction extended be- 
yond the borders of Germany. Bibles and Testaments were printed in 
•the language of Esthonia, Bohemia, and Poland, for the evangelical 
Christians of those countries, through the help of benevolent citizens. 
For the constantly enlarging business, massive buildings were erected, the 
first in 1727, the second in 1734. With help from Francke the Danish 
East India mission sprang up, unsought and unexpected. It was begun 


by the devotion of Frederick Fourth, of Denmark, but the missionaries 
went from the Halle Orphan House, and were supported by German 
Christians. The work received from Francke especial regard and care. 
The first candidates from Halle for this mission, Ziegenbald and Pliit- 
schau, were ordained in Copenhagen in 1705; many most excellent men, 
chiefly from the college of grammar-school teachers, have succeeded them, 
even down to the present century. Finally, the German-American 
churches in the United States owe their real foundation to the Halle 
schools. Their connection with Halle began under G. Francke, the son 
of the blessed founder. At the earnest prayers of the Germans in 
America, destitute of religious leaders, he sent thither, in 1742, pastors 
Muhlenberg and Brunnholz. Others, supported by the benevolence of 
Germany, followed in their train. 

To all this business activity of the tireless Fraucke, we must add his 
numerous books, partly scholarly, partly edifying, of which many, as for 
example his " Directions for Profitable Bible-Reading," attained a very 
large circulation, and were sent out from the Orphan House presses in 
repeated editions ; then, his many long journeys, in which he toiled as 
incessantly for God as when at home ; and last his extended correspond- 
ence, relating to manifold concerns in all parts of the world. 

This seems more than belongs to one man's life, but Francke's faith- 
fulness proves that God can make " all grace abound, that „ 

1 . . Secret of 

we may abound to every good work." When his friend Francke's suc- 
Elers was asked who had taught him everything, his an- 
swer was, "My mother — Love." Love was Francke's schoolmistress as 
well. Had he not had strengthening, helping hands, he had not done so 
much. This is an inspiring fact, that where a great light blazes with the 
love of God, many lesser lights begin to gleam around it. Francke's 
burning and shining light enkindled about it many kindred souls, a 
Richter, an Elers, a Canstein, a Neubauer, a Freylinghausen, and how 
many more ! When king Frederick William First saw the Orphan House 
(1713), and was conducted through the bookstores and the warehouses, 
he was so amazed at the vast work that he asked Elers how much he got 
out of all this. "Your majesty," replied Elers, " only just what you see." 
Then the king clapped Francke upon the shoulder, and said, " Now I see 
how he accomplishes so much. I have no such servants." 

The life thus tirelessly spent in God's service closed in 1727. The 
true servant of God went at sixty-four, well laden, to his home. He 
was suffered to declare his faith upon his death-bed in an affecting man- 
ner. This year he had in his grammar-school eighty-four pupils, in the 
Latin-school four hundred, in the citizens' school seventeen hundred and 
twenty -four, and in the Orphan House one hundred and thirty -four or- 
phans. The Orphan House supplied food to two hundred and fifty-five 
students and three hundred and sixty poor scholars, in addition to the 


orphans. In the girls' school were fifteen young persons ; in the pension 
for young ladies, eight ; and in the widows' house, six. Francke's noble, 
royal establishment stands to-day a living sermon to Halle, enjoying 
still a widening renown and large usefulness. 1 It is related of its founder 
that he had trustfully prayed God that in all time it might have at 
least one man who would be a witness of saving truth, and as far as we 
know, even in the days of the prevalence of rationalism, this prayer was 
heard. To-day the teachers here who live in the love and faith of Christ 
are by no means few. 

All will conclude that the influence of Francke's spirit outside of 
Halle, and even of Germany, must have been very great. In all parts 
of the world germs of truth have been sown by him and his associates 
through the pupils of the Orphan House and of the Halle University. 
Halle students have been sought as spiritual teachers and pastors in 
America, in the German churches in Asiatic seaports, and even in the 
Greek convents of Mount Athos. When new schools arose and teachers 
were needed, when God-fearing families wanted tutors for their children, 
Halle was asked to supply them. If it be true that in no age have Ger- 
many and the German evangelical church had so many faithful and be- 
lieving ministers as in the middle of the eighteenth century, it is because 
the seed sown by August Hermann Francke remained in the hearts re- 
ceiving it. The Catholic churches of Germany and France looked with 
envious wonder to one who, had he been a member of their communion, 
would have been placed in the number of the saints. — A. T. 


A. D. 1687-A. D. 1752. LUTHERAN, GERMANY. 

Of the successors of Spener, one of the most eminent was John Albert 
Bengel, who at his death was "prelate" and "member of consistory," 
in Stuttgart. In early childhood his loving and God-fearing ways seemed 
full of promise. Born June 24, 1687, in the county town of Wismen- 
den, he when in his sixth year lost his father. A few months later, 
during an invasion of the French, the house purchased by his mother for 
her widowed home, along with his father's library, was burned to ashes. 
But his teacher, Spineller, showed the lad a father's faithfulness. He 
took him with him when compelled, by the events of war, to remove his 
school from one place to another. When Bengel was ready for the uni- 

1 The grammar-school numbers 100 pupils, and 18 teachers; the Latin school 389 schol- 
ars and 24 teachers ; the industrial polytechnic school, 378 pupils; the German normal 
school, 10 scholars and 8 teachers ; the citizens' school, for boys, 700 pupils and 35 
teachers ; the girls' high school, 130 pupils and 16 teachers; the citizens' school for girls, 
400 pupils and 23 teachers; the free school, 680 pupils, while in the Orphan House are 130 
orphan children. 


versity, his mother was enabled, through her marriage with Herr Glockler, 
a convent-steward, to help him on in his course of study. God's Word 
had already so affected the boy's heart as to fill him with a childlike faith, 
with an earnestness in prayer, with a desire for goodness, with delight 
in the Scriptures and in sacred songs, with a quick consciousness and a 
horror of what was evil. Best of all for Bengel, his goodness had no 
ado made over it. Now and then he gave way to youthful foolishness 
and frivolity. When this occurred, at once bis inner guardian reproached 
him, and prevented evil from without fastening upon his life. He ex- 
perienced, through the goodness of God, delightful hours of peace, espe- 
cially at the time of his first communion. In Tubingen he enjoyed the 
twofold fortune of entrance into a circle of Christian stu- Pro „ reS3 at 
dents, and of finding teachers imbued with living faith in Tii biugen. 
Christ, who zealously attended not only to their pupils' minds, but to their 
hearts. Foremost of these were the prayerful Christopher Reuchliu, 
and the distinguished pastor and lecturer, A. A. Hochstetter. 

From these men Bengel received profit, especially after he had been 
quickened by a severe illness. While this brought him near to the grave 
in the midst of his studies, it awaked in him anew the resolve to devote 
his life to God's service and honor. Immediately upon leaving the uni- 
versity he was appointed, when only twenty, to be an assistant pastor in 
Metzingen. He learned here the views of the common people upon 
religion. Within a year, he returned to the theological school in Tu- 
bingen, to serve as " repetent " in aiding the younger students in their 
studies, enlarging at the same time his own circle of knowledge. For 
the sake of further culture he went upon a journey through Central Ger- 
many, meeting in the schools and universities many eminent men who, 
under the impulse given by Spener, were vying one with another in im- 
parting to the rising generation a solid training based upon a living 
Christianity. He sought from men of different parties their most cer- 
tain conclusions, and returned home, bringing with him precious acquire- 
ments. He found opportunity to practice what he knew as teacher of 
students for the ministry, in the recently founded convent-school of Denk- 
endorf. His inaugural address indicated his aims. It made diligence 
in religion the sure help to genuine scholarship. Through it came the 
most vigorous and perfect development of all the powers ; through it 
the indolence of the flesh was overcome, the mind kept from disturbance 
by passion, the soul filled with life, power, and clearness of vision. Thus 
the less gifted often surpassed, in their search for truth, the greatly 
gifted who lived estranged from God. 

Bengel's were no vain words, for they were proven by twenty-eight 
years of untiring toil. From first to last, the same spirit Three hundred 

T)rt?iicfcicrs arc 

animated him, as he taught, according to the very best trained by him. 
knowledge and light, the throngs of youth who were sent to him. He 


trained more than three hundred youth for the church of his country, 
not a few of whom partook of his godly spirit and became wise and 
eminent, filling with honor and usefulness the most important places. 
This was not, however, his only achievement within this period. He 
wrought in another direction even more widely. He was wont to read 
through the Greek New Testament, with his pupils, every two years. 
This fact led him on, both as a teacher and as a Christian, to undertake 
a new task. Before this he had been perplexed by the question, " Have 
we the New Testament as it was first written ? " He could not answer 
it then, for lack of time and of opportunity for thorough investigation. 
Now he would take it up and satisfy his inquiring spirit. Living in 
little Denkendorf, he found immense obstacles in his way. He over- 
came them by his untiring zeal, and soon had such a precious collection, 
both of old manuscripts and of rare editions of the New Testament, that 
he could hope for success in seeking the answer to his problem. Ben- 
gel possessed not only diligence, but a peculiar penetration, by which 
he classified his materials, and proceeded from numbering the different 
readings to the more serious task of passing sentence upon them. He 
thus did a work which, if it was not perfect, surpassed everything which 
had hitherto been accomplished by the most learned investigator. He 
submitted to the learned public the result, which was highly favorable to 
the genuineness of the received text, both in a large work, which com- 
prised the New Testament and the means of criticism upon it, and in 
a small work for students, which is still constantly republished in new 
editions. Along with this effort to restore the original text, he joined 
another which aimed at its interpretation. He proceeded upon the fol- 
lowing principles : The Bible must be taken as a unit, as an incom- 
parable, glorious account of the divine way of dealing with the human 
race through the ages, from the beginning to the end of all things. 
It must therefore be made, as far as possible, to explain itself. The 
interpreter must resolve to drag nothing into the Scriptures, and also 
to neglect and omit nothing that is there. Hence only a devout and 
Publishes his believing heart can unfold the Bible in its full power and 
" Gnomon." glory. What Bengel discovered by four years' diligent and 
prayerful investigation, he published in a commentary under the modest 
name of a " Gnomon." He considered his observation but an index, 
pointing the reader to a further study of the text of Scripture. This 
spirited work, abounding in significant suggestions as to the real meaning 
of the text, has proven so useful, especially in our day, that a third edi- 
tion (1835), followed by many more, has been called for. The book has 
been made an authority by writers of commentaries, both in and out of 
Germany. Bengel's view of Scripture as a coherent system of God's 
plans for man, even to the end of all things, led him on to chronological 
and apocalyptic studies. In these he strove to harmonize Bible chro- 


nologies, and by the help of prophecy to map out the future of the king- 
dom of God. It was a task as arduous as bold, but was undertaken by 
him with the view that an expositor should leave nothing untouched 
which is presented in the Bible for our profit. Bengel was not blind to 
the obstacles in his way. While he believed that he was called to the 
work, he was very far from maintaining everything confidently, or consid- 
ering his apocalyptic system faultless. He thought his reckoning of num- 
bers might be erroneous, but that the great events which he indicated, and 
the practical lessons which he founded upon them, were stated correctly. 
His view in the main was : Over Europe impends a complete change in 
the relations of both church and state. Before the Roman papacy shall 
fully be proven antichrist, unbelief, mysticism, and perhaps Islamism, will 
blend together. Upon the overthrow of the personal antichrist, the 
better millennial days will ensue. These, Bengel thought, would be seen 
less in temporal prosperity than in an undisturbed, joyous increase of 
the kingdom of Christ upon the earth. This theory was published in 
his " Order of Ages," his " Cycle," his " Gospel Harmony," his " Revela- 
tion Explained," and in some smaller volumes. His practical lessons 
appeared in sixty edifying discourses upon the Gospel of John. 

In the year 1741 Bengel left his place in the cloister school to be provost 
of Herbrechtingen. Here he found a new field. He preached to a little 
country church. He became" a member of the consistory, taking part in 
the management of important church matters and also having a share in 
civil affairs. His impressive preaching stirred up the people. They 
asked him to give them private instruction in religion. This he did 
gladly, believing it the best way to exalt a fallen Christianity. He was 
equally wise in church rule. It was not the time, he said, for novelties, 
nor should we abandon the chariot of the church when in the wrong road, 
or try to help it by storming and blustering. We should let alone what 
we can, use whatever is useful, and seek above all else to be friends with 
all who love the Lord Jesus. 

Bengel composed in this spirit his " Sketch of the Moravians " [under 
Zinzendorf], and is hence called by Frohberger the noblest and most 
helpful of their opponents, with the acknowledgment that his utterances 
have been of great service. As for the land of Wiirtemberg, it has still 
cause to thank Bengel and his friends that by their gentle and prudent 
rules respecting private devotional meetings, so opposed elsewhere, there 
was healthful provision made against the coming days of unbelief and of 

Finally, it must be mentioned that Bengel by his songs, especially his 
" Daysman ! Source of power," and " Word of the Father ! Speak ! " has 
made precious addition to the hymns of the evangelical church. 

Turning to Bengel's private life we find him marrying Joanna Regina 
Seeger, June 5, 1714. His prayer that she should continue with him to 


the end was answered. They lived one in spirit, Bengel testifying 
Bengei's private a g amst the foes of marriage that " the most fruitful and 
llfe - precious experiences in affliction and in joy have come to 

me through the marriage relation." Twelve children were given them, 
of whom four daughters and two sons grew up. His manner of training 
is indicated by his saying, "The simplest teaching is the best; avoid every- 
thing artificial. Give the children a chance to know the Bible ; if they 
fail to learn it all, they will retain a part. Commence with history, not 
with precept. Pleasure is afforded by examples, but not by commands. 
Overtaxing of the memory or of the mind produces mental sleepiness, 
satiety, self-assurance, self-conceit, and presumption. If every opportu- 
nity for gross conduct is taken away, youth will' do better left to their 
own choice of innocent pursuits and pleasures than if kept under the dic- 
tation of others. Especially try to lead them to Christ in honesty of 
spirit and truthful simplicity." The result of his mode of training was 
that he had great joy and no heart-sore given him by his children. 
Death found Bengel ready. He had from youth thought of eternity, 
and his impressions were deepened by severe illnesses. At last he was 
beset by the maladies of old age. He was led then to turn from the cir- 
cumference of truth to its centre, from helps to truth to the very es- 
sence. He said, " I look upon myself as an old decaying tree, and rejoice 
at the springing up about me of the young green shoots. The more I 
withdraw my mind from human renown, the sweeter grows my com- 
munion with God. By his fatherly will, I live on, till He shall ordain 
my end. I have nothing to plead except my Jesus. I commend me to 
my faithful Creator, my well-known Redeemer, my tried Comforter, and 
desire nothing save to be found justified in his presence." He died in 
Stuttgart, November 2, 1752. — J. C. F. B. 


A. D. 1700-A. D. 1760. MORAVIAN, — GERMANY. 

" Christians are God's people, begotten of his Spirit, obedient to 
Him, enkindled by his fire. To be near the Bridegroom is their very 
life ; his blood is their glory. Before the majesty of the betrothed of 
God, kingly crowns grow pale ; a hut to them becomes a palace. Suffer- 
ings under which heroes would pine are gladly borne by loving hearts 
which have grown strong through the cross." In these words, spoken 
in 1731 to a royal princess of Denmark, he whom we now commem- 
orate portrayed, without having purposed ifc, his own character. 

Nicholas Lewis, count of Zinzendorf and Pottendorf, sprang from a 
very ancient noble family in Austria, upon which the rank of imperial 


count was conferred in the year 1662. His ancestors had, in the age 
of the Reformation, turned to the gospel. In order to enjoy liberty of 
conscience his grandfather had left his ancient inheritance, and settled 
in Franconia, not far from Nurnberg. His father, a Christian states- 
man and court minister of electoral Saxony, had taken part with Spener, 
and had received from him, when forming a second marriage with the 
baroness Von Gersdorf, his wishes that they might be given a pious pos- 
terity and godly wisdom, by which to save them from the prevailing 
degeneracy. " For," said Spener, " in these corrupt times it seems to 
men almost impossible to bring up children, of the higher rank espe- 
cially, as Christians." Nicholas Lewis, who was born May 26, 1700, 
was the only child of this marriage. Six weeks after his birth the 
father died. Four years later the mother married the Prussian field- 
marshal Von Nazmer. The boy remained with his grand- A „ mother » a 
mother, Madame von Gersdorf, in Gross-Hennersdorf, in scll ° lar -" 
Upper Lusatia. Here he was educated, in the way approved of Spener, 
by his maiden aunt, Henrietta von Gersdorf, and by a tutor who shared 
her spirit. Spener was his godparent, along with the electoral prin- 
cesses of Saxony and of the Palatinate. In a visit, shortly before the 
close of his life, to Gross-Hennersdorf, Spener laid his hands on the boy 
of four years and gave him his blessing. Zinzendorf himself has said, 
" My dear grandmother kept me for ten years in her own chamber, my 
aunt Henrietta prayed with me morning and evening, and passed the 
day in accord with the prayer." He proved a " mother's scholar " of the 
best kind. " In my fourth year," he says, " I began to seek God with 
such earnestness as accorded with my childish notions. From that time 
especially, it was my steadfast resolve to become a true servant of the 
crucified Jesus. The first profound impression upon my heart was made 
by what my mother told me of my blessed father, and of his hearty love 

for the martyred person of the Saviour I recollect weeping once 

very bitterly because, in family worship, I lost, by falling asleep, the verse, 
Thou art our dear father, because Christ is our brother. This thought 
sweetly impressed me in my fourth or fifth year, for I believed that as 
soon as one was pardoned, he was in the company of the Saviour as a 
brother." At this time of his childhood Zinzendorf wrote tender letters 
to the Saviour, and threw them out of the window, confident that the 
Lord would receive and read them. Already what he afterwards said of 
himself was true : " I have but one passion, it is He, only He." That 
was the day of sensibility and of false sentimentality, of playing at shep- 
herd and shepherdess by persons in long wigs. Zinzendorf was, by 
nature, very susceptible. He may have fallen into a familiar and almost 
sensual phraseology in his expressions of tender love to the Lamb of 
God, who died for us. Yet his sentimentality was connected with the 
highest and noblest subjects, was natural and hearty, and joined with it 


was fiery energy, courage, and self-devotion. The knowledge and ex- 
perience which the Holy Spirit gave to him are everywhere seen, even 
through the weak and effeminate forms in which a heart, which was 
united to the Crucified, cleansed by his blood, and joyful in his benefits, 
tells its emotions. 

Very early this heart was tried by deep-reaching speculations. "In my 
youthful con- eighth year," he says, « I was led by a song which my 
flicts - grandmother sang at bedtime into a revery and profound 

speculation which kept me awake the whole night, and made me uncon- 
scious of hearing or seeing. The most subtle atheistic notions entered 
my mind. I was so wrought upon by them, and so prostrated, that all 
which I have read and heard since of unbelieving doubts prove very 
shallow and weak, and make no impression upon me." By the use of 
his will, the boy subdued at once and forever this assault. " What I 
believed, that I willed," he says ; " what I fancied, that grew odious to 
me. I resolved at once to use my understanding in earthly things when- 
ever necessity arose, and to brighten and to sharpen it, since by it only 
could progress be made ; but in spiritual things to abide simply by the 
truth apprehended in the heart, making this the foundation for the ac- 
quirement of more truth. What I could not bring into connection 
therewith I resolved to cast utterly away." Thus Zinzendorf's theology 
became, in accordance with its origin, a heart theology. It was free from 
all refinements respecting the foundations and the abysses of existence. 
It aimed with its entire strength at Christian living and doing. This it 
was which gave it limitation, but also power. 

When ten years of age, Ziuzendorf was sent in the company of a badly 
studies in selected tutor to the Halle grammar-school, then under 

Halle - charge of its venerable founder, Francke. Many lovely 

spirits were coming to Halle to live, or to sojourn for a day. The Halle 
Pietists were in communication with many countries. In 1715, Ziegen- 
bald, the missionary, came from the East Indies upou a visit, bringing 
with him some baptized Malays from Malabar. The young count, who 
may, perhaps, have been more tried than was necessary by well-meant 
endeavors to humble his aspiring spirit, lived in a congenial element in 
the midst of loving Christian words and deeds. A glow of love as- 
cended from his soul up to his Lord. Never did he sing a song that 
was not full of the deepest Christian thought and fervent love of Jesus. 
His most beautifully simple hymns are his earliest, dating from his thir- 
teenth year forward. After his first communion he composed a song of 
which the beginning and end are as follows : — 

" Lo ! at last dawns the hour, God appears in his power, He my vision delighteth, with my 

spirit uniteth." 
" I behold his dear dying, see his enemies flying, heav'n he enters, still minding lost men's 

saving and finding." 

Even then his mind was set upon active effort and association with 


friends of like spirit. With a few comrades he formed a pious league, 
whose members called themselves first " Servants of Virtue," then the 
" Association of Confessors of Jesus Christ ; " but at last adopted the 
name of the "Order of the Grain of Mustard-Seed" [Senfkoru-Orden]. 
Their seal was an Ecce Homo, with the inscription, " Our Wounds' Heal- 
ing" (Nostra Medela). With Frederick of Wattewille, Zinzendorf made 
an especial compact for the conversion of the heathen, and of those es- 
pecially to whom no one else would go. Thus his school-life became a 
prophecy of his after career. 

He was sixteen years old when his guardian permitted him to go to 
the university, and to the one most strictly opposed to the Pietists of 
Halle, namely, Wittenberg. He was there to cultivate his noble gifts for 
an honorable career in the service of his state, and to tone down his re 
ligious zeal to such a measure as would enable him to attain worldly suc- 
cess. With obedient spirit Zinzendorf gave himself to the study of the 
law, but was true to his glowing love to his Saviour. He celebrated the 
jubilee of the Reformation (1717) with a song of penitence. The Halle 
strictness respecting card-playing, dancing, and the like, went with him to 
Wittenberg, but was not so thoroughly accepted by him that he did not 
have many misgivings about this rigid discipline. In his intercourse with 
the Wittenberg professors, who in their way were also pious, he became 
aware that the " orthodox " were not all foes of Christian living, and that 
all true piety was not found among the Pietists. He saw right and wrong 
on both sides, and the youth of eighteen ventured to think of making 
peace between Halle and Wittenberg. This work of love was forbidden 
him by his relatives. Yet his well-meant endeavors had at least this re- 
sult, that there was brought about a conference, not devoid of fruits, be- 
tween Francke and the worthy senior court-preacher Loscher in Dresden. 

The guardians now in charge of Zinzendorf, planning to withdraw sus- 
tenance from his mental tendency to a spiritual life,, which studies in Uol . 
found support in Wittenberg as well as in Halle, removed land - 
him to Utrecht, where he arrived on his nineteenth birthday. He him- 
self writes, " I came to Utrecht University with my Wittenberg theories 
and Halle practices, which made me a peculiar species of young trav- 
eling man, of which many edifying particulars might be repeated." On 
his journey his mind was specially withdrawn from earth and turned 
with desire to Jesus. He saw in the Diisseldorf picture gallery a paint- 
ing of the Ecce Homo with the inscription in Latin, " This have I done 
for thee ; what hast thou done for me ? " and was greatly impressed by it. 
In Utrecht he read, together with his law, Spener's " Theological Views." 
acquired English, and entered into theological controversies with the re- 
formed and with the doctors of philosophy, and soon found out that his 
reasonings were often insufficient. After a while he continued his travels 
to Paris, which was the resort of other young German nobles for the sake 


of the excitements of the luxurious city, and the pleasures of its court. 
Zinzendorf not only lived with thoroughly pure morals, but sought the 
acquaintance of earnest Christians among the priests and bishops of the 
Catholic communion, and indeed became quite intimate with the devout 
archbishop of Paris, cardinal Noailles. He found the prelates as firmly 
established in their church belief as he was in his. They soon agreed 
on both sides to lay aside controversy in order to join in the love of 
Christ. At a later elate (1738) he wrote, "Moreover, I cherish and 
highly esteem, according to my way, all who love Jesus. I would con- 
sider myself very unhappy to be counted an alien by any Catholic who 
loves Christ, although in many points I differ wholly from their opinions." 
Zinzendorf had no thought of destroying creeds as boundary marks 
defining the different households of God. Joining with the Moravian 
brethren, with the Reformed, and with the Lutherans, in sacramental fel- 
lowship, he would yet not offer this symbol of fraternity to that great 
corporation which failed to make a right distinction between believers 
and unbelievers. 

Zinzendorf, now twenty-one, burned with desire to serve his Lord with 
a new and complete offering. He waited an occasion to begin the work 
which he was dimly conceiving. He thought he had found this when, 
upon his return from Paris, he was asked during a visit to Halle to take 
the place of the deceased baron Von Canstein, who had there established 
the first institution for the circulation of the Bible. He was refused the 
consent of his friends to his acceptance of the office. They held to the 
hope of seeing him rise in the state service of Saxony. He submitted 
to their desires, and became a counselor of court and of justice under 
the government. Having come of age he married, and purchased of his 
grandmother the estate of Berthelsdorf, bordering upon her property of 
Gross-Hennersdorf, and comprising the uncultivated Hutberg. Zinzen- 
dorf 's bride was a countess Reuss, the sister of his friend Henry Twenty- 
ninth, of Ebersdorf. December 22, 1722, the count and his bride visited 
for the first time their newly acquired property. The road brought the 
travelers, in a winter's night, to the foot of the Hutberg. Through the 
forest gleamed a light shining from a newly builded dwelling. It was 
Meets the Mora- tne residence of the first of the exiled Moravian Brethren, 
vians. w j 10 ij a( j oe g un t build here upon June 17th, and had oc- 

cupied their home in the month of October. Zinzendorf entered the 
cottage, kindly saluted the brethren, and, falling upon his knees, earnestly 
asked the blessing of God upon the new settlers. This was the beginning 
of Herrnhut. 

The successors of the Hussites, at times tolerated, at times persecuted, 
had ever since 1468 preserved among the mountains of Bohemia and 
Moravia a church organization, as nearly apostolic as possible, and adapted 
to their condition. This they called the Unitas Fratrum, or Brethren's 


Unity. In the time of the Reformation they established intercourse with 
the Lutherans, and received their approval. They prized their own disci- 
pline too highly, however, to consent to give it up and to be merged into 
the great mass of the evangelical church. A new revival among them had 
in the beginning of the eighteenth century, stirred up fresh persecutions 
by the Romanists. Many among them resolved, therefore, to emigrate. 
They sought for a place where they could worship God unmolested. By 
the recommendation of Schafer, the preacher in Gorlitz, they were di- 
rected to Berthelsdorf. The count, upon the intercession of his pious 
steward, consented that a place of refuge should be granted them, pro- 
visionally, upon his estate. The first of ' the persecuted brethren had 
erected, almost without the aid of Zinzendorf, their first dwellings upon 
the Hutberg. But very early the count recognized in these colonists, 
whose number soon increased, the material furnished him of God, from 
which and by which he was to shape and establish the enterprise for 
which God had chosen and endowed him. He conceived the thought 
of implanting in this susceptible folk the love of the Lord, the bleeding 
Lamb, and to make them thus a leaven in the midst of a dead Chris- 
tianity. The devoted preacher Rothe, a man of Spener's spirit, whom 
the count called to Berthelsdorf, entered into his views. The new fold, 
full of Christian life, attracted many awakened spirits who, because of 
their enthusiasm and separatism, were no longer at home in the decayed 
church of Germany. In this notable mingling of spirits aspiring minds 
rose, and by their various natures threatened the new foundation with 
destruction through fanaticism, schism, and conflict. The count from his 
superior position strove to put down discord, and his honest intention 
received help from God at the moment when it was needed. August 13, 
1727, at a celebration of the Lord's Supper in Berthelsdorf, amid flowing 
tears, the spirit of love was shed upon the prepared spirits of the multi- 
tude. The fruits of this day of grace, the memory of which is still cel- 
ebrated, were never lost. 

The constitution, customs, and worship of the new community were 
founded upon the ancient rules of the Moravian Brethren. Becomes leader of 
Zinzendorf was the soul of the new creation. To prevent the the Moravians - 
destruction of their church life, they declined a union with the Lutheran 
church, and a place in the state church, though urged thereto by preach- 
ers Schafer and Rothe. And yet by the impress made by Zinzendorf 
upon the new community, it was essentially a part of the German Lu- 
theran church, whose fervor of feeling as an animating spirit here found 
its first complete development. The ardor of the Lutheran laity, which 
could show itself elsewhere only in church singing, here obtained free 
course. Lay patronage, which by others was so mechanically exercised, 
was gloriously used by Zinzendorf. While the office of preacher was 
left all its authority and dignity, the lively cooperation of other church 


officers so disposed of the distinction between clergy and laity, which 
Lutherauism had copied from Romanism, that the church as a whole 
deemed themselves God's people. The preacher's office and the patron's 
office were looked upon in the apostolical sense as intended wholly for 
the brotherly serving of the church, in accordance with Christ's words, 
" One is your Master, all ye are brethren." 

Zinzendorf with deep and far-reaching mind knew that the new so- 
ciety could secure a firm footing and lasting existence in the family of 
Christian churches, only by a public subscription of the Augsburg Con- 
fession, by a regular clergy, and by a retention of the old office of bishop, 
handed down from the Moravians. He therefore arranged that the 
bishop's office should be preserved in the community by the laying on of 
the hands of one of the old bishops of the martyr-church. This secured 
the Brethren official recognition by the Church of England, which she has 
been so unfortunate as to deny to the Lutheran church of Germany. 
Zinzendorf himself wished to take the clerical office. Laying down his 
civil position he passed examinations in Stralsund and Tubingen to ob- 
tain ordination. In 1737 he became a bishop of the Brethren in active 
service. But thoroughly as he was joined to the new society, he in no 
way suffered himself to be circumscribed, by this union or by his adher- 
ence to Lutherauism, in his general mission to needy souls. In a church 
conference in Herrendyk, near Amsterdam (1741), he uttered these 
frank words : " I am appointed of God the Lord to declare the word of 
Christ's blood and death, not by art, but by divine power, without regard 
to what may befall me. This was my calling, before I knew aught of 
the Moravian Brethren. I am and shall remain united with the Mora- 
vian Brethren who have embraced our Christian gospel heartily, and have 
called me and other brethren into the service of their church. Yet I do 
not separate myself thereby from the Lutheran church, for I can con- 
tinue God's witness in her communion. I can tie my testimony to no 
denomination ; the whole earth is the Lord's, and men's souls are all his. 
I am a debtor to all. I shall in the future lack opposition no more than 
in the past, but the word of Jesus the crucified is the power of God, and 
the wisdom of God ; whoever opposes it will be put to shame." 

The opposition to Zinzendorf was as extensive as his activity. What 
ins K reat ac- mind could reckon in how many places he sought to win 
tivit y- souls to Christ, among high and low, without respect of per- 

sons ? From Switzerland to Lithuania, in Wetterau and in Berlin, in 
Holland and in England, in the far-away regions of North America and 
in the huts of the slaves on the isle of St. Thomas, his footsteps can be 
traced, and his word never returned void. To some, it was a savor of 
life unto life, to others a savor of death unto death. Twice he was 
obliged to leave Saxony for a long period, yet without the community 
of Herrnhut, which numbered six hundred souls and was still increasing, 


suffering any injury. Zinzendorf attended by his pilgrim company went 
about, founded new colonies in different lands, preached, sang, and wrote, 
for the glory of the name of Jesus. By the establishing of independent 
communities it was provided that the Brethren should be able to serve 
God in their own way, separate from the world, and bring up their chil- 
dren, their sons and their daughters, in their own belief. Those who 
were friendly to them, here aud there (whom they entitled the Disas- 
pora), were constantly visited, and given spiritual nourishment. Through 
them the Brethren were able more truly to become the salt of the earth. 
Upon the fixed theology of the universities the Moravians made little 
impression. They had simply a few adherents among the clergy who 
were inclined to pietism. John Wesley was indebted to two Moravian 
Brethren, with whom he made a voyage to North America, for his en- 
lightenment as to justification through faith only. He made a visit to 
Herrnhut, but was attracted neither to the count nor to the community. 
Wesley and Zinzendorf were alike in their aims and efforts, but each 
had been given of God, when adopted as his child, an original character. 
They were so directed in their fields of labor, that they did not dare vent- 
ure upon a union. No more could the Wurtemberg theologian, John 
Albert Bengel, so full of unction and of learning, join with Zinzendorf 
in the latter's mode of working for souls. Zinzendorf knew how to apply 
the Scriptures to life, but not how to explain them, in their connection, 
one part with another. Zinzendorf's nearest associates were the Pietists, 
out of whose bosom he sprang. But they were too full of anxious 
scruples and of legalistic notions for him. They could not take part in 
his free, joyous demonstrations. In the kingdom of God there are mani- 
fold forms, which exclude one the other. But there is yet one Spirit, 
who unites all of them, who uses the varied gifts of grace in differing 
spheres for the same high object, the establishment of the divine gov- 

Zinzendorf, from youth, was familiar with the customs of the polite 
world and of courts. He moved with ease and confidence in the highest 
circles. He did not attach any value, however, to these things in them- 
selves, but used all his relations simply for Christ's cause and kingdom. 
He was in great favor in the court of Denmark, and received an invita- 
tion in June, 1731, to the coronation of king Christian Sixth. He there 
made the acquaintance of the chief royal equerry, count Laurwig, whose 
valet Anton, a negro slave from the Danish West India island of St. 
Thomas, told Zinzendorf of the sad state of the negroes there, and of 
the longing of his own sister Anna to know the true God. At the same 
time, the count saw two Greenlanders from Egede's Danish mission, 
and formed the idea of lending aid to this faithful laborer. FouiK | S Mora- 
This was the first suggestion of the Moravian missions to vian missloas - 
the West Indies and to Greenland. Soon after (1732), the mission work 


of the Brethren was begun, amid the scoffs of the world, with the sim- 
plest means but with strong faith. It has continued with the greatest 
blessing to the present day. The count's youthful dream was fulfilled, 
that he should give the gospel to the heathen, and to the most wretched 
among them, whom no one else would approach. When the brethren 
sent by him and by the Unity were taken in the midst of their amaz- 
ingly successful work in the West Indies, and were thrown into prison 
and into great peril by the hate of the planters, who were not willing 
that their slaves should become Christians, the count sailed over the sea, 
and accomplished the liberation of the prisoners and the inauguration of 
a better state of things. He was ever by the side of his people, con- 
fessing himself one with the abused and despised, never sparing himself, 
and by apostolical fidelity fulfilling what he had vowed to the Lord in 
his youth at Halle, — to labor to convert the heathen, the degraded races 
of the earth, negro slaves, Greenlanders, Esquimaux, and Hottentots. 

With his faith in God, and in the power of the blood of Jesus to save 
the miserably perishing pagans, and to renew God's image within them, 
Zinzendorf joined the thought that the loftiest and most mighty ones of 
earth were only wretched sinners, to receive forgiveness of sins, life, and 
salvation, from Christ, through repentance and faith. When he heard 
that king Frederick William First of Prussia was near his end, he was 
impelled by the love of Christ to prove his gratitude to this prince, who 
had shown him much kindness, by directing his attention with all deference 
to the salvation of his soul. It redounds to the king's honor that, although 
somewhat against his flesh, he gently and heartily suffered Zinzendorf to 
speak or rather to write to him. The subject of religion was discussed 
by them in writing, and the remarkable letters which they exchanged are 
still in existence. 

Zinzendorf, from childhood, abode in Christ's grace, walked before 
Him, and held converse with Him, as if he beheld Him with his bodily 
eyes. On his journeys he would often leave his carriage, walk alone, and 
utter to Christ words such as these : " O my Saviour, if I could but lay 
before Thee my plans, from beginning to end ! " Thus he became assured 
of the pureness of his work. Thus, when his rash nature, passionate 
temperament, and boundless imagination carried him into excesses or 
false measures, he was set right again by his Master. When people were 
thinking that he was in an exciting passion, which would soon break forth, 
they were amazed to find him again in all the dignity and calmness of a 
child of God. Once, by a slight irregularity before the time of evening 
prayers, he was thrown into the greatest excitement, and for an hour 
long administered wrathful reproof. But directly after he appeared in 
the prayer-room and uttered an address full of emotion, with the purest 
priestly spirit. 

Zinzendorf was of only middling stature, and in later years inclined to 


corpulency. But his countenance glowed with a holy light, which was 
shed from his dark brown eyes over all bis features. In his bear- 
ing there was a hearty affability joined with noble manners and priestly 
devotion. His wife, who was his excellent helpmeet, died in 1756. The 
year after he married (June 27th) Anna Nitschmann, who was, from her 
faithfulness in God's service, the universally acknowledged elder sister of 
the church. This choice he made from regard to his need of an associate. 
She survived him but a few days (dying May 21, 1760). Zinzendorf 's 
first marriage was blessed with many children, of whom most died in 
infancy or in childhood. His son Christian Renatus, called away in youth, 
is still known among all the faithful by his hymn, " passion divine, 
can man e'er forget thee," and especially by the last stanza, " As now 
we assemble all here together," with which brethren in Christ have so 
often accompanied the last pressure of the hand when they were sep- 

The people of Herrnhut were increased in 1760 to thirteen hundred per- 
sons. Upon May 3d of this year, the count welcomed home Hig closing 
one of the oldest of the Moravian Brethren who had been da y s - 
present, May 12, 1729, on the day of the laying of the foundation of the 
first meeting-house. He had not seen the place for twenty-one years, 
he and his wife having been all this time in the service of God in Hol- 
land, England, Ireland, and America. The count himself took these 
returned friends around, and showed them everything that had been done 
in the time intervening. In the evening he joined with a great company 
in a love-feast, and there delivered his last address, whose key-note was in 
the words of a song composed by him at an earlier date : — 

" The glory of Herrnhut shall end in that hour when hindrance shall rise to God's work 
in its power." 

May 4th was Sunday. Zinzendorf, as had been his wont for many years, 
spent the entire afternoon in retirement, communing with God respecting 
himself and his plans for the church under his care. " That blessed look, 
often seen in him when he was in the spirit on the Lord's day, attracted 
those nearest him to go close to him, not to address him, which they care- 
fully avoided, but simply to cast a glance upon him. The last Sundays of 
his life his eyes had more than once been seen full of tears, giving them 
such a blessed expression as impressed deeply the hearts of his most 
attached friends." 

Upon May 5th he arose, after an almost sleepless night, with a severe 
rheumatic fever. Still he went to work, paid a visit to bis sick wife, and 
in the evening attended a love-feast, at which a song of thirty-six verses, 
which he had composed upon the day before for the use of the young 
women, was in part sung and in part recited. After the love-feast, he re- 
mained in private conversation with his three daughters, and some other 
members of his family. He said, among other things, that when he had 


been sick before, he had sought for the reason of his sickness and for 
what God intended it, and when he found a reason, he had preferred to 
tell it to his friends rather than keep it to himself. He knew that it was 
not displeasing to the Master for one to declare himself publicly to his 
friends as a sinner. Thereby discipline was made easier. But this time 
he was sure that the Saviour did not intend such a message by his sick- 
ness, for he was so happy in his mind, and in accord with his Master. 
The morning of May 8th he was cheerful, although his fever was 
increased. He received visitors with an expression of tenderest love, 
and said, " I know not how to declare how dear you all are to me. We 
seem indeed even as the angels, and as if already in heaven." To one 
standing by he said, " At the first, would you have ever thought that 
Christ's prayer ' that they all may be one ' would have been so blessedly 
fulfilled among us ? " In the afternoon he completed some work, thanked 
God for his many benefits, shown to himself and to the community, ad- 
dressing to David Nitschrnann and others the words, " Would you, at the 
first, have thought that the Master would do as much as we now see with 
our eyes, for our communities, and for God's children here and there 
throughout the world, and for the heathen ? I had only looked for some 
first-fruits, and behold we have grown to thousands." His last words, 
spoken to his son-in-law, were, " My good John, I will go to the Saviour 
now. I am ready ; I am devoted to my Lord's will, and He is content 
with me. If He needs me no longer here, I am ready to go to Him; 
there is nothing in the way." Soon after he breathed forth his soul amid 
the church's benediction, spoken by John of Watteville in a single word, 
" Peace." This was at ten o'clock on the morning of May 9, 1760, when 
he was sixty years old, lacking a few days. May 16th, towards evening, 
he was committed to the " God's acre" of Hutsberg, in sacred, holy still- 
ness, amid the thronging thousands. Upon the stone which covers his 
grave may be read beneath his name the inscription, " He was ordained 
to bring forth fruit, and that his fruit should remain." Who would not 
i say amen to this ? Amen ! — H. E. S. 


A. D. 1700 ?-A. D. 1728. REFORMED, FRANCE. 

The Reformed church in France, upon the revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes, met a persecution which aimed at her utter destruction. Such 
wrongs and outrages were visited upon the Protestants as stirred the hot 
blood of the south to fever heat. The war of despair by the Camisards, 
or people of the CeVennes, was a struggle of fanatic strength against 
rude violence. It was not according to the mind of Him who said, " Put 


up thy sword into his place ! for all they that take the sword shall per- 
ish with the sword." The rising was put down (1713). In place of 
bearing the sword, the French Reformed were to take up the cross. Pa- 
tiently, trustfully, hopingly, lovingly, they were to show the world how 
" the church under the cross " is able to live in the very jaws of death. 

The Reformed church in Languedoc, in Vivarais, in both the upper 
and lower Cevennes, rose up out of desolation. She was yet strong in 
faith, though all her schools had been closed, all her churches destroyed, 
all her seminaries for clergy blotted out. In the face of many dangers, 
in the presence of hostile troops, the people met by night, quietly, secretly, 
in caves, in thickets, on the plain, or under the mountain precipices, far 
away from human dwellings, to serve God by prayer and to nourish their 
souls with the word of life. None that was not consecrated to the cause 
was allowed to know their places of meeting. They went " into the 
wilderness ; " they preached " in the wilderness ; " they wrote, exhorted, 
or comforted " from the wilderness." The clergy availed themselves of 
this general term to conceal the places whence they put forth effort by 
word or pen, and also to mark their church as one persecuted. These 
assemblies " in the wilderness " began in 1712, and continued steadfastly 
the entire century, and were the refuge of the Reformed confession in 

In the absence of ordained ministers, those of the people who were 
moved thereto, some of them women, delivered exhortations. No church 
constitution was possible. In August, 1715, just after the death of Louis 
Fourteenth, an assembly of Reformed preachers and intel- Work of Antoine 
ligent laymen was convoked at Nismes by Antoine Court, Court - 
the noble, divine, and scholar, gifted alike in soul and body, in strength 
of faith and purity of life, who has been entitled " The Restorer of Prot- 
estantism in France." By this assembly a number of elders were chosen, 
who were to make provisions for safe places of meeting for the pastors, 
the poor, and the prisoners. In ]\Iarch, 1717, a third synod in Lan- 
guedoc gave full validity to the new church constitution. Since hardly 
any ordained ministers remained, Court sent his assistant, Corteis, to Zu- 
rich for ordination. From the latter he himself received, in a synod, the 
laying on of hands, so as to administer ordination to other ministers, and 
to restore the apostolic order in Languedoc and the Cevennes. Thus 
the persecuted put themselves in position to build up the church order as 
the pillar of Christian life even on the smoking ashes of the Camisard 
wars, and amid the vagaries of their " prophets." So strict was their 
government that unqualified ministers were deposed, and no one was al- 
lowed even to lead in psalm-singing without the consent of the elders. 
The churches were in connection not only with one another, but also 
with their brethren sentenced to the galleys. They sent to the latter, by 
trusty messengers, comforts for both body and soul. The clergy had to 


steal from place to place, often in very strange disguises. The congrega- 
tions set sentinels on the heights, with signals agreed upon, using every 
precaution and secret device to evade their persecutors. Every night the 
preachers shifted their abodes. Their adherents counted it an honor to 
run the risk of the punishment to which their entertainment exposed 
them. Often and horribly enough was it sent upon them, through bribed 
traitors, or through a deadly ambuscade inclosing an assembly, and 
bringing ministers and people to cruel death or imprisonment. 

It was the hope of the Reformed that the death of Louis Fourteenth 
would bring better times. In this hope many of the fugitives to other 
countries had returned. But the regent of France, the duke of Orleans, 
from carelessness and indifference, made no change in the laws against 
the Protestants. At the best, he substituted for the desired butchery of 
all the Reformed the disarming of them and the execution of their min- 
isters. The disarmed were sent to the galleys. They were forced, also, 
in the time of the plague in Marseilles, to bury the dead. Women were 
put in prison. Places of worship were torn down. After the regent's 
death (1724), the duke of Bourbon was moved by the bishop of Nantes, 
who wished to earn a cardinal's hat by severity towards heretics, to pub- 
lish a new and stern edict. The government would, however, be content 
if the Reformed would conform outwardly to Romanism. The priests 
were to give the Sacrament without question to any who would receive 
it. But whoever was a steadfast Protestant must away to the galleys or 
the gallows. Nevertheless, in this grievous day the religious assemblies 
in Languedoc were all the more frequent and wide-spread, even if over- 
taken often by the troops and dragged to punishment. It was the lot of 
Labors of Court ^he ^ ew ministers to live night and day in perils in the wil- 
and others. derness, in perils by water, in perils in the cities, in perils 

among assassins, in perils among false brethren ; in care and toil, in 
hunger and thirst, in cold and nakedness. Amid such dangers, Court 
held, in the space of two months, thirty assemblies, mostly in the night, 
in the mountains and deserts of Languedoc and in the Cevennes up and 
down under the open sky, preaching, administering the Lord's Supper, 
baptizing in this time fifteen children, and solemnizing fifteen mar- 

The places where the meetings were held remained unknown to the 
ministers themselves, since they arrived and departed in the night. The 
believers received and escorted them by the most hidden ways. The 
meetings were opened with prayer, a chapter of Scripture was read, a 
psalm was sung with suppressed voices ; then, after a prayer by the min- 
ister for power to proclaim rightly the word of God, the sermon was 
delivered, at times the Supper was administered, and the service was 
closed with a general prayer, with petitions for the king and all in au- 
thority. For a precaution, sentinels, but without arms, were placed on 


the heights. The preacher purposely remained ignorant of the names 
of those baptized or married, and of the other participants in the meet- 
ing, so as not to be able to state them before a court. For his clothing 
and support, the preacher of the wilderness received gifts, but without 
knowing from whom. The assemblies were so large that the smallest 
would have three thousand members. For the support of youth who 
felt a call to the preacher's office, that is, to "martyrdom in the church 
under the cross," and who entered for this purpose the seminary in Lau- 
sanne, contributions were made by believers in Switzerland, England, 
Holland, and Germany. Antoine Court was made (1730) "general 
deputy " for the management of this business. 1 

One of these youthful " shepherds in the wilderness " and heroes of 
faith was Alexander Roussel, of Uzes. We know neither F irstviewof 
the date of his birth nor his parentage. We find him first R° u8 sei. 
in an assembly near Aulas. The foe, who was on the watch, was shown 
by a traitor, for the sake of a reward, the path to the secret resort. The 
troops of Louis Fifteenth stole up, and broke in like a wolf upon the 
fold, and rushed upon the shepherd. He did not flee ; he could not and 
would not. He preferred to copy the Good Shepherd, and the death of 
Him who laid down his life for the sheep. He was bound, gagged, dragged 
to Vigan, mocked and mistreated all along the road. At his trial, the 
judge asked, " What is your business ? " He answered, " To preach the 
gospel." " To preach it where ? " He replied, " Wherever I can find 
an assembly of Christians." " Where do you live ? " " Under the roof 
of heaven." After the hearing he was led with two comrades to the 
citadel long known as " The House of the Believers." Before his prison 
was a watch by five or six of the dragoons who had taken him. Towards 
night some grenadiers came and led him to the citadel in Montpellier. 
This citadel also had long earned the name of " The House of the Believ- 
ers." The news was carried to his mother. She was the nurse of the 
duke of Uzes, the governor of Saintonge. She hastened to the duke to 
obtain his intercession for his foster-brother. But the time-serving lord 
declared that an example must be made ; he could do nothing for the pris- 
oner, unless he would abjure. With indignation the mother repelled his 
suggestion. She hastened with her son-in-law and other friends to Rous- 
sel's prison. " My son," she said, " thou hast prayed to God instead of 
to the saints. It is a crime in France which is shown no mercy. Thou 
wilt therefore fall a sacrifice. We have indeed many friends who can do 
much, but they have told me that in any other matter they would do 
everything, but for one who calls upon God no one will put himself out." 
The prisoner comforted the good mother, and waited cheerfully the hour 
for his entrance into the joy of his Lord. The Jesuits came to him, and 

1 Court afterwards removed from France, ending his days in charge of the clerical sem- 
inary at Lausanne (1760). 


urged him to save his life by confessing the Catholic faith. He remained 
steadfast, resisting their sly attacks. The chosen hour came. The offi- 
cials and the executioner entered the prison together. Roussel knelt down, 
praying for courage for the last journey. Bareheaded, barefoot, a rope 
around his neck, he took his way, singing psalms as he went. Reaching 
ins martyr tue f° ot °^ tne gallows, he raised his eyes, mounted firmly 
death - and boldly the ladder, crying, " Forgive them, for they know 

not what they do ! ". Turning to the hangman, he said, " I forgive thee, 
and all who do me evil, from my heart." A moment, and his spirit fled 
to eternal glory. This was November 30, 1728. 

A touching song of lamentation has handed down the martyr death of 
Alexander Roussel from mouth to mouth among the Protestant French. 
His mother is likened to Mary, whose soul a sharp sword enters under 
her son's cross. The unnamed traitor is promised, by the song, the re- 
ward of his " countryman," Judas, whose residence he shall share, having 
the very same host. — H. Von M. 


A. D. 1718-A. D. 1794. REFORMED, FRANCE. 

To the woman of Samaria, inquiring where man ought to worship, 
Christ foretold a time when the true worshiper should worship the Fa- 
ther in spirit and in truth. Such worship was offered in the catacombs of 
Rome ; such also in the " church in the wilderness," which all the fanatic 
tyranny of the French ruler was not able to suppress. What country 
has sealed the Reformed faith with longer or sorer martyrdom than that 
of France ! With brief interruptions, the persecution of the gospel con- 
tinued from 1524, when James Pavannes, the first evangelical martyr, 
was burned alive on the Place de Greve, because he had written against 
the worship of Mary and the saints, down to 1775, when the last two 
persons kept in the galleys as Protestants were let out of their prisons. 
The revocation (1685) of the Edict of Nantes had two results: the emi- 
gration of four hundred thousand diligent and skilled Huguenots, and the 
aggravation of the misery of their fellow-believers who did not emigrate. 
The number of the latter reached a million : of these three hundred thou- 
sand died from the persecutions which they suffered on account of their 
faith ; from ten to fifteen thousand died by the gallows, by torture, by the 
stake, or by the axe. When the war of the Camisards came (1701-1706), 
the fatal hour of Protestantism in France, it seemed, had struck. The 
evangelical church no longer had synods, discipline, lawful worship and 
instruction, or clergymen. The last, to the number of about six hundred, 
had been driven into exile. For that hour of sorest need God raised up 


in Antoine Court the reformer of French Protestantism. He convoked 
synods, reestablished public worship, at peril of his life, went as an itin- 
erant through the settlements of his fellow-believers, and established in 
Lausanne a theological seminary, which from 1730 until 1812 alone 
supplied the ministers for the " church in the wilderness." Some four 
hundred and fifty candidates for the ministry left this school during these 
eighty years to venture their lives in the wilderness. Among them Paul 
Rabaut takes a front place. 

He was born January 9, 1718, in Bedarieux, near Montpellier, of an 
old Reformed family. In his home, which was ever and anon a hiding- 
place for the preachers in the wilderness, he learned to know and love 
the gospel. When a boy he often acted as a guide to the persecuted. 
At the age of fifteen or sixteen he was met by a call to give Earl call to the 
his life to the Lord, renouncing every brilliant worldly pros- millistl 7- 
pect in order to serve his brethren. He became a " proposant," as the 
assistants of the preachers in the wilderness were entitled. He was to ac- 
company them on their dangerous journeys, and be instructed by them for 
"the church's service. When twenty years old Rabaut was sent to Nismes 
as a preacher. He married, that same year, Magdalena Gaydan, a young 
lady whose Christian steadfastness and self-sacrifice were equal to his 
own. Rabaut soon saw that to fulfill his office he needed a more thorough 
education. He decided that he must go and study for three years in 
Lausanne, leaving his wife behind (1740.) This he did, and then re- 
turned to his church in Nismes (1743), and remained in his pastorate 
until his death (1794). During his half century and more of labor he 
was protected by God's watchful care. He in whom, above others, beat 
the heart-throbs of the proscribed Protestantism of France, was never 
even once arrested or imprisoned. He ever bore himself as a servant of 
God, and as one dying, and lo ! he still lives. 

The French Protestants enjoyed a period of rest at the time of Ra- 
baut's return to Nismes. The magistrates ignored the meetings, which 
they could not suppress. But they were stirred by Richelieu, who was 
made lieutenant-general in Languedoc (1738), to begin anew a bloody 
persecution? The pretext for this was a widely circulated religious song, 
which besought a blessing upon the arms of England. Rabaut, who had 
ever spoken out most decidedly against armed resistance, and had de- 
clined to attend assemblies where armed men were present, was never- 
theless accused of being the author of the hymn. He wrote to Riche- 
lieu, defending himself and his brethren from the imputation : " We 
solemnly make oath and asseveration in the presence of the Supreme 
Searcher of Hearts, who will arraign perjurers and hypocrites before his 
judgment seat, that the detestable song ascribed to the Protestants is not 
their production. Their religion obliges them to nothing more strongly 
than to obedience and to loyalty to their sovereign. In our sermons and 


addresses we magnify this our obligation, as the Catholics who live in 
Neugierde can testify." He further said : " If we hold religious assem- 
blies, it is not from disrespect to the command of his majesty, or from 
seditiousness, but purely and wholly for conscience' sake, to offer to our 
God the sacrifice which we deem most acceptable to Him, to receive in- 
struction in reference to our duties and incitements to fulfill them." 
Richelieu was not able to understand how men must obey God rather 
than man, and proceeded with hellish hate against the Reformed. The 
If castle, the towers of Constance (near Aigues-Mortes), and other public 
edifices were filled with prisoners, both men and women. 

Rabaut labors _, n -. . . , , . . 

amid dragon- Ihe dragonnades were begun anew m several districts. 
Rabaut was obliged to hide, and to perform the duties of 
his office in the utmost secrecy. He preached frequently in forest ra- 
vines and desert places near Nismes. The Protestants, full of thirst for 
the word of God, faced the greatest dangers to attend these meetings. 
As many as ten thousand hearers would at times gather round Rabaut, 
and would all be reached by his full and penetrating voice. His ser- 
mons, as they are described by the possessor of the manuscripts of his 
pulpit efforts, are characterized by " great simplicity and unction, gentle- 
ness rather than harshness, few dogmatic discussions, more love than pro- 
fundity, and practical exhortations, which were ever added to doctrinal 
discussions." Besides his preaching and his work as pastor from house 
to house, he attended very carefully to the education of the young, giv- 
ing instruction now in one farm district, now in another, in some out-of- 
the-way corner. His influence with his brethren in the faith was tested 
at the time of the imprisonment of pastor D^subas. This young man, 
beloved as a preacher for his zeal and ability, was betrayed by an apos- 
tate, and led under a strong guard to Montpellier. Repeated attempts 
of Protestants along the way to free their pastor were defeated, having 
served only to waste precious blood. It seemed as if a new " war of the 
CeVennes" would follow, till the brave Rabaut arose out of his hiding- 
place to enjoin the Protestants by all the weight of his influence to put 
Rabaut" s noble * ne swor( l hnto the sheath. Desubas died as a martyr. Ra- 
letter - baut addressed the following letter to his judge, the terrible 

Lenain : " When I chose the office of preacher in this realm, I was not 
ignorant to what I exposed myself. I viewed myself as a victim doomed 
to slaughter. No worldly consideration could have led me to make this 
choice of mine ; but I was convinced that in this office I could do the 
most good. Ignorance is the death of the soul, and the source of end- 
less transgression. What would become of the Protestants if they were 
wholly deprived of pastors, forbidden as they are the free exercise of 
their religion, and unable conscientiously to follow Romanism ? What 
would become of them, deprived as they are of books from which they 
might instruct themselves ? Surely, they would fall a prey either to iu- 


differentisin or fanaticism ! Your highness is not unaware tnat the labors 
of the pastors have hindered such a result. For my own part, I have 
not neglected to instruct thoroughly those in my charge. After giving 
instruction in the foundation truths of religion, I have attached especial 
importance to inculcating moral duties. I have spoken particularly of 
obedience and loyalty to the king. It is indeed true that the Protestants 
in several districts have suffered, either in their own or their children's 
persons and estates, and thus terror has been produced, so that their 
pastors' exhortations were deprived of their effect." 

It was the hope of the Protestants, after the death of Benezet, that 
Louis Fifteenth would have compassion on them, if he could but be 
thoroughly informed of their condition. "When the war minister, mar- 
quis Paulmy d'Angenson, was making a military inspection of the south- 
ern provinces, he was met on September 19, 1772, on the road near 
Nismes, by Rabaut in person. The pastor, on whose head a price was 
set, called to him, and presented him a memorial. The marquis showed 
him respect, and promised to submit the paper. Rabaut vanished, going 
on his pilgrim course. New means were used to force him to leave the 
country. During the night an armed mob took possession Ra t, au f a heroic 
of his house, and threatened his wife, who had the care of wife - 
two children and of a sick mother, with every torture, unless she induced 
her husband to quit the country. Magdalena would not allow herself to 
be frightened. She told her husband to continue in his office. She 
went forth herself, with her children and her mother, to pass a whole 
year wandering here and there, and seeking refuge in various hiding- 

The 1st of January, 1756, a Reformed assembly near Nismes was 
suddenly attacked. Most of those present saved themselves by flight. 
Some were taken, and among them Fabre, a man of seventy-eight. His 
son, who had escaped, begged that his aged father might be released, and 
himself taken in his stead. The exchange took place, and this example 
of filial love excited respect. The duke of Mirejoix proffered the volun- 
tary prisoner his liberty if Rabaut would promise to leave the kingdom. 
Fabre would not accept the proffer, and was placed in the galleys at 
Toulon. After six years he was set free, and rejoiced to find his old 
father still alive. 

In 1761 new victims were demanded by the cruel government. The 
youthful preacher, Paul Rochette, was seized when on his way to attend 
to his official work, one night, and was brought into the city of Caussade. 
Three young nobles, the Grenier brothers, on the news of the danger 
which threatened their pastor, hastened to the city, armed with pistols 
and daggers. They were charged with intending to deliver the prisoner 
by force. The preacher was sentenced by the Toulouse parliament to be 
hanged, the brothers to be beheaded, and others who were concerned to 


be imprisoned in the galleys. In vain did Rabaut exert himself for the 
innocent victims with the king's daughter, Adelaide, with duke Fitz- 
James, with Richelieu, and with Rousseau. The latter replied, in indif- 
ferent tone (October 27th), that the religious assemblies could be given 
up without a surrender of religious belief. He said, " I have preached 
humanity, gentleness, and toleration as well as I could. It is not my 
fault if I am not heard. For the future I intend to confine myself to 
general truths. I write no libels nor satires. I attack no person, but only 
men at large. I condemn no action, but only vice. I can do no more." 
The bloody sentence was executed. When the martyrs first were told 
their fate, they cried, " Then we are to die ! Let us call upon God to 
receive graciously the sacrifice which we bring." Strong in their faith, 
they suffered death February 26, 1762. Rochette was the last martyr 
preacher of the " church in the wilderness." 

The popular interest in Rochette' s heroic death was very great. Pub- 
The noted Caias ^ c attention was still further excited by another affair, in 
affair. which also Rabaut was concerned, — the Calas trial. John 

Calas, an esteemed merchant in Toulouse, had a son named Marc An- 
tony. One night the youth destroyed his own life by hanging himself 
in the door-way of a warehouse of his father. The Calas were Protest- 
ants. Soon the word went through the fanaticalty disposed city that 
Marc Antony had been murdered by his father and his brothers, be- 
cause he purposed to change his faith. The murdered man was buried 
as a martyr of the Catholic faith, with all the pomp of the Romish 
church. The father was tried, and, three weeks after Rochette's death, 
was executed, his goods confiscated, his children banished or confined in 
convents. Three years later, before the untiring effort of Voltaire, the 
sentence was reviewed, the judicial murder unanimously condemned by 
the court, the name of Calas restored to honor, and his property returned 
to his children. The condemning judges had accepted as proven that 
Protestant parents were obliged by their belief to put their children to 
death in case they purposed to join the Romish church. The Geneva 
pastors and professors protested loudly and powerfully against this in- 
famous slander. Rabaut wrote a letter under the title, " The Shameful 
Calumny." He said, " "We confess that it touches us in the most tender 
place when such crimes are charged upon us. Confiscate our property, 
send our people to the galleys and our pastors to the gallows, but at least 
respect a system of morals which springs from Jesus Christ alone. The 
foremost principle of the Protestants is to accept the Scriptures as the 
only rule of faith and practice, — this book which we are sure does not 
inculcate child murder. What religion is it that insists strongly that 
faith is a free gift of God, that conscience must be unconstrained, that 
men must not believe upon the faith of others, and that a blind faith is a 
dead faith ? It is this religion of ours ! Protestants have contended 

Cent. XVII.-XIX.] PA UL RABA UT. 491 

most zealously for liberty of thought and belief. We take it to heart, 
then, when we are charged with a spirit of persecution. The universal 
belief among us is that we should bear with the erring, we should honor 
the Godhead, and never take vengeance, but leave it to God, to whom 
only vengeance belongs." The writing of Rabaut excited new hatred. 
It was publicly torn and burned by the executioner. Its author was 
forced to take fresh precautions and to flee from one hiding-place to an- 

With persevering zeal Rabaut continued in his work. He was as- 
sisted by his eldest son, Rabaut-Etienne, who had left the Lausanne 
seminary in 1765, and had at once been made preacher in Nismes. His 
second son, Rabaut-Pommier, was also a pastor, first in Montpellier, and 
then in Paris, while the youngest, Rabaut-Dupuis, settled in his native 
city as a merchant. A spirit of toleration was prevailing more and more 
in France, and the lot of the Protestants was visibly improved. Many 
a hammer was wasted upon the anvil of the gospel. In the year 1780, 
the Reformed first won the right to have their own cemeteries. They 
had long buried the dead secretly and in the night-time, either in fields, 
in gardens, or in cellars. When sixty-seven years old, Rabaut asked 
from the consistory of Nismes his dismissal. It was granted in the most 
considerate and grateful manner. He built a refuge for his old age on 
Gretry Street, which is still known as Paul Street. The house is to-day 
a Protestant orphan asylum for the department of Gard. 

In the year 1786, Rabaut was visited by the marquis Lafayette, who 
desired him to go to Paris to represent the interests of his -^^^ and ^ 
brethren. Rabaut went, and toiled for a year in the capital son honored. 
to obtain the edict of 1787, which at least was a prophecy of religious 
liberty, and achieved something towards it. The day for it came more 
quickly than was expected by even the most sanguine. The Revolution 
in France raised the despised preacher of the wilderness, Rabaut-Etienne, 
to the presidency of the national assembly. The son wrote to his aged 
father (March 15, 1790), " The president of the national assembly is at 
your feet." A few months later the grand veteran of the war of the 
cross was allowed the joy of dedicating the first temple erected by the 
Protestants since the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. He closed the 
sublime service with the prayer of Simeon. But he had not yet come 
to the hour of his departure. His son, the pride of his old age, died 
December 5, 1793, upon the scaffold, because he dared resist Robes- 
pierre, and his sou's wife killed herself in grief over his death. The 
aged Rabaut himself was cast into prison, amid the mockery of a frenzied 
people. The ninth Thermidor (July 27, 1794), he was set free. Weary 
of life, he returned to his home, to set his house in order. His wife had 
died some time before. Upon the 25th of September of this year, he 
met a peaceful death. After seventy-seven years of wandering, he went 
quietly home. 


Of all the virtues which men admire, Rabaut had one only, but that 
was the very greatest, namely, fidelity. "With but moderate gifts of 
mind he united invincible strength of will, and an entire consecration 
of self to God and to the work which was given him to do. He took 
up his Master's cross daily, neither seeking it nor passing it by. He 
bore it patiently and self-sacrificingly, till his Lord took it away, turning 
the cross to a crown, leading the preacher of the wilderness to living 
fountains of water, and him who sowed in tears to the place where all 
tears are wiped away from the eyes. — T. P. 


A. D. 1740-A. D. 1826. LUTHERAN, — FRANCE. 

What person of intelligence, unless some oue who shuts out from his 
mind all knowledge of the kingdom of God on earth, has failed to hear 
at some time or other the name of Oberlin ? A mystic, a fantastic, or a 
pietist, he may be called, — for evil report has thus sought to characterize 
him, — but whoever will take pains to go and study the man thus named, 
on his own field of labor, will soon be ready before the presence of Ober- 
lin to bow in reverence. For our day has seen nothing in all our home- 
missionary enterprise, however substantial and worthy of praise, that ex- 
ceeds the work done by this single individual from 1767 down to 1826. 
All the philanthropic effort and Christian benevolence which we greet and 
extol as the harbingers of a better age are to be found, in types or pat- 
terns at least, in the sphere of the labors of Oberlin. 

The scene of his work was the Steinthal, a mountain hollow inclosed 
bv high rock walls, situated in Alsace, not far from Strass- 

The Steinthal. , ° , ' , ,. . . . , „ ,„- 

burg, among the northwest declivities of the Vosges Mount- 
ains. Its name came from the old feudal castle of Stein, whose moss- 
grown towers look down still from their mountain summit, reminding 
us of the day when nothing save dagger and cross, the knight and the 
priest, had power in the land, or could lay claim to the rights which are 
the heritage of mankind. The Steinthal was indebted to tempests of war 
and to religious persecutions for its first very limited population. People 
of many lands, Italians, Swiss, Germans, and French, found here a refuge. 
A rude patois, a mixture of various dialects, with French, however, as 
its foundation, served as the chief language of the region. After the 
Reformation had found its way to Strassburg (1529), it soon penetrated 
to the Steinthal, carrying thither the Confession of Augsburg (1530). 
The valley comprised two parishes, Rothau and Waldbach. The profound 
stillness of the forests of the former was, before long, broken by the clang 
of iron manufactures and other industries. By the entrance of immi- 


grants the Romish church again won a foot-hold. The latter, which, with 
its five hamlets (two of them the offshoots of the original Waldbach), 
was to be the field of Oberlin, had never changed from its original con- 
dition, that of a veritable wilderness, till Oberlin transformed it to a 
garden of the Lord. 

The way for this transformation had been prepared by Oberlin's prede- 
cessor, Stuber, from Strassburg, an every way excellent cler- 0berlin , s pre(ie . 
gyman, who had taken Waldbach when it was reduced to an cessor. 
utterly ruinous condition by a succession of faithless hirelings. He had 
found the people, whose broken jargon he had the greatest difficulty in 
understanding, unable either to read or to write, and void of all civiliza- 
tion. A swineherd, who, from old age, was unable to work, and who had 
no more knowledge than the half-naked youth intrusted to him, had been 
put in the office of parish school-teacher. The Bible was utterly un- 
known. Not one of their preachers, even, had ever been owner of the 
book. Waldbach parish had been made, as far as the church was con- 
cerned, a kind of penitentiary, or Botany Bay. Preachers were sent 
thither whom their friends did not quite wish to let starve, and whom 
they yet hesitated to put anywhere else, on account of their bad conduct. 
Was it a wonder, among such a neglected people, ignorant of morals 
and religion, that barbarity, immorality, and superstition of every sort 
went hand in hand? Stuber had shrunk back when he viewed the wasted 
vineyard intrusted to his care. But he did not despond. With God's 
help he went to work, and to him belongs the credit of at least not leav- 
ing the forests to utter rudeness. He felt, however, when he had toiled 
four years, that he must accept a call to an especially pleasant position in 
the city of Barr, near Strassburg. He thus let one come after him who 
seems to have aimed to destroy by word and deed the good seed sown by 
the man before him. Happily he was soon deprived of his office. Stuber, 
whose conscience had given him sleepless nights, was not long in doubt as 
to what he ought to do. He requested (1760) to be sent back to Waldbach. 
His honorable desire was granted him. His sacrifice to the cause of 
God was rewarded by Heaven with many happy results. After apply- 
ing himself actively for seven years to the material and moral good of 
his community, greatly improving the school, beginning a small public 
library, and attending in person to placing a Bible in every family, Stuber 
felt obliged, by weak health, again to leave Waldbach, accepting a call 
to the Thomas church of Strassburg. This he did more gladly, because 
he knew who would see to promoting and completing, with all the energy 
of youth, the work which he himself had inaugurated. 

The young man before Stuber's mind was John Frederick Oberlin, born 
at Strassburg in 1740 (near the time of the birth of Lavater 

i „ -r r, .„. x A , ,. P , T . Oberlin's youth 

and of Jung-Stilling). Oberlin was one of seven sons. His 

parents were members of the Lutheran church, and universally respected. 


His father, a worthy teacher in the gymnasium, and his mother, a finely 
educated and devoted Christian lady, were able to train their sons with 
strictness, yet allowed abundant room to each of them to develop his 
peculiar characteristics. So in the boy Frederick the outlines of his 
coming character soon appeared. Resoluteness,, courage, and force were 
joined with a profound tenderness, and a living, self-sacrificing sympathy 
with the woes and misfortunes of others, whatever they might be. It 
happened at one time, when a crowd of blackguard boys had knocked the 
bucket from off the head of a peasant woman in wanton malice, that 
Oberlin dealt them such a rebuke there in the street that they at first 
stood overcome, and afterwards silently dispersed. The youth then gave 
the poor woman his pocket money, amounting indeed to only a few cents, 
to help repair her damage. One evening, as Oberlin's mother portrayed 
the sad condition of an afflicted family, the little Frederick suddenly 
sprang up, and with the bright tears filling his eyes cried out, " Mamma, 
I will take the poor people my Christmas money ! " his brothers and his 
sisters imitating him in his offer. 

When Oberlin had finished with the greatest credit his studies in gym- 
nasium and university, and had taken a degree in the latter as master of 
philosophy, he became a tutor in the family of a physician, acquiring 
here much medical knowledge, which became very valuable to him after- 
wards. His purpose was to become a field chaplain in the French army, 
but this was crossed by his call to go to Waldbach. Oberlin had a pro- 
found sense of the important work here offered him. He knew, how- 
ever, who was at his side, and trusted his promise : " My strength is 
made perfect in weakness." Already when nineteen years old, he had 
been impelled to make a surrender of himself to the Lord his God, to 
obe iin> e- serve Him eternally, placing his hand and his seal to a sol- 
nant. emn covenant. He was led to this largely by the blessed in- 

fluence of pastor Lorenz, of Strassburg, a preacher full of unction and 
hearty zeal. In this writing, he says, among other things, " Holy God, 
to Thee I resign myself this day most solemnly. Hear, ye heavens, and 
give ear, thou earth ! To-day I profess that the Lord is my God. Ac- 
cept, Lord, my word, and write it down in thy book, that henceforth 
I may be thine. In the name of the Lord of hosts, I resign all other 
masters who have heretofore ruled over me ; the world's joys, to which 
I gave myself ; the desires of the flesh, which dwelt within me. I resign 
every transient thing, that God may be my all in all. To Thee I devote 
all that I am and have, the powers of my soul, the members of my body, 
my time, and my possessions. Help Thou me, O Father, that I may em- 
ploy everything to thy glory, using all in obedience to thy command. 
Grant me grace, O my God, to continue in this covenant with all stead- 
fastness, and to keep the vows which are already upon me through bap- 
tism. The Lord's name be to me an eternal witness that I have offered 


this vow to Him, and subscribed it with steadfast, sincere heart, to be 
kept to the end." Under this covenant there was written by Oberlin, 
after his entrance upon his office in Waldbach, " Renewed " (" Renova- 

A very painful surprise must have met Oberlin when he found Stein- 
thal, notwithstanding the faithful work of the venerable Stuber, in a pro- 
foundly wretched condition. Any signs of the labors of that good pastor 
were hardly to be met. The earlier ignorance and rudeness were but 
slightly affected. The region was inhospitable and barren, and was shut 
out from the world by pathless rocky cliffs. Trusting God, and taking 
courage from the approval and assistance of some few mem- 0beriin begins 
bers of his parish, who had been influenced by Stuber, his life-work. 
Oberlin began a work of reformation, reaching out in every direction. 
His sermons, of which Christ was the light and life [stern und kern], 
were hearty discourses from a kind father to his children, and besides 
were models of popular and effective oratory. Visiting untiringly from 
house to house, he proved himself to possess an inexhaustible store of 
wise, practical counsels respecting the needs of both body and soul. 
Gradually he led his congregation into all his plans of improvement. 
He met serious opposition from a large number, who charged him with 
love of innovation, but through gentleness and prudence was able to over- 
come it. At one time, he heard that some young men had resolved to 
waylay him, upon the following Sunday, as he was returning from one 
of the subordinate parishes, which he most faithfully served, and to inflict 
upon him bodily punishment. Sunday came ; Oberlin took occasion in 
his sermon to exalt the divine protection in which he who was truly de- 
voted to God might ever confide. After service, he set out for home, 
not on horseback, as usual, but on foot, while his horse was led by a 
peasant at some distance behind him. Soon he descried the ill-disposed 
mob concealed in the way behind some bushes. With steady, even gait he 
went on by them. The conspirators were left in surprise, no one of them 
venturing to lay a hand on him. When a like plot was formed, at an- 
other time, against him, he first preached in the church on the text, 
" Whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other 
also ; " and afterwards, when the plotters were in conference upon the man- 
ner in which they could revenge themselves upon the man who forbade 
them so many things in which they delighted, Oberlin came upon them 
suddenly. The mere appearance of the man, so majestic and noble, with 
his inquiry, " Tell me now in what I have done you injury," was enough 
to disarm the poor creatures, and even to impress them with reverence 
before him. Soon there was not a man in the parish but was obliged to 
revere him. 

Oberlin completed a year of toil and anxiety. His mother's wish that 
a faithful helper might be given him was then fulfilled. The woman 


appointed of God for him was Magdalene Salome Witter, the lovable 
Oberiin's mar- au( ^ cultivated daughter of one of the Strassburg Univer- 
nage - sity professors, a friend of the Oberlins. By advice of her 

physician, she sought in the air of the Vosges Mountains the recovery 
of her delicate health, and went to Waldbach in the company of Ober- 
iin's sister. The circumstances of the betrothal of herself and Oberlin 
were peculiar. The latter had not the least thought that the cultivated 
and, as he thought, worldly city belle was intended to be his fellow- 
laborer in life. He met her in a friendly way, but regarded her for a 
time without concern. By and by he heard a voice from his soul calling, 
" Take Magdalene." " Impossible," he replied ; " we would not suit one 
another." But ever and anon it spoke : " Take her ; she is the one." 
He adhered to his negative reply. The moment came when Magdalene 
was about to take her departure. Oberlin was seized with alarm. Accus- 
tomed as he was to follow God's voice, he perceived who had been 
speaking to him. He went to her as she was leaving, held out his hand, 
and said, "You will leave us, my dear friend. But a voice says to me 
that you are to be my companion in life. "What do you say ? " Mag- 
dalene covered her glowing face with one hand, extending the other to 
him. The betrothal was made, and that in the name of God. Their 
marriage took place July 6, 1768, to the great blessing of the parish. 
It was soon plain that the Holy Spirit, unseen, had given the soul of 
Magdalene a deep and thorough Christian experience. 

With renewed zeal, Oberlin, with his wife as his true helpmeet, pushed 
on in all directions that work of his which to-day remains to astonish us. 
First, he devoted himself to perfecting the schools of the region. He 
found helpers especially in a noble and wealthy Swiss family, the Le- 
grands, who, sharing his views, out of regard for him and his works 
removed their silk manufactory to the Steinthal. Oberlin builded in 
Waldbach a new school edifice, and enlarged the school-houses of the 
smaller villages. He employed qualified and faithful teachers. He 
started them upon right methods of teaching. Especially, he introduced 
the pure French to replace the rude dialect of the country. He pro- 
moted the material interests of the forsaken country with equal zeal, 
prudence, and success.- Everything was neglected, — agriculture, cattle- 
raising, and trades. The people were slumbering in their pitiful hermit 
existence, as if utterly cut off from the world outside. Oberlin shook 
oberlin leads in them till they awaked. Procuring the indispensable im- 
things temporal. pl em ents, he asked the people to take them in their hands, 
and to follow after him. They followed, willingly or unwillingly, he 
going ahead with shovel and mattock upon his shoidder. Work was be- 
gun. The rough places were leveled, rocks removed or buried ; broad 
wastes, covered with broom and other wild growths, were made tillable 
and thoroughly manured. The mountain streams were conducted through 


the valleys, so as to make rich meadows and pastures. Bridges were 
builded over the large streams. The one over the roaring Breusch re- 
tains till to-day the name of " Le Pout de Piete," or " The Love Bridge." 
In the care of his own garden, which in a short time rejoiced in an 
abundance of nourishing vegetables and productive fruit trees, Oberlin 
set the farmers an encouraging example of what they might do on their 
own grounds, by using diligence and careful perseverance. He took 
under his care, also, the condition of the roads which connected his par- 
ish with other places, especially with Strassburg. He sent a number of 
his young men to capable master artisans in Strassburg, to be taught. 
Before long, they came back skilled masons, smiths, tailors, shoemakers, 
or artisans of other crafts. This did not have to go on long till the 
entire parish of Waldbach, not only in its houses and shops, its gardens 
and farms, but in its language, morals, and deportment, wore an aspect 
wonderfully changed. Putting off the beggarliness that seemed to call 
for alms, it began a profitable business with the products of its fields and 
of its herds. Those who remembered the former wilderness to be found 
in this corner of the Vosges Mountains were amazed at the new creation, 
and could hardly believe that it was the work of a single individual. 
But Oberlin did the will of God. Thus he brought it about in a few 
years that his parish could boast a circulating library, suited for mental 
and spiritual culture, a small museum of natural history and philosophy, 
and an excellently managed savings and loan institution. Besides, it 
possessed an agricultural association, whose services were respectfully ac- 
knowledged by the central association at Paris. Oberlin, as the founder 
and patron of the society, was decorated with a gold medal by the Royal 
Agricultural Society, and at a later period with the order of the Legion 
of Honor by the king himself. 

But the business and social interests of the Steinthal weighed upon 
Oberlin far less than the welfare of the souls of his parish- beriin leads in 
ioners. In his sermons and in his Bible readings — the rule thin e s spiritual. 
for the latter being that the women should be knitting for themselves or 
for the poor while he was speaking — he won his way very near to the 
hearts of his hearers. In his home conversations with his people, re- 
specting their every-day interests, he gently and skillfully turned their 
minds, almost unconsciously, to heavenly and eternal objects. He never 
inundated them with his religion, but let it drop as the gentle dew upon 
their souls. Gladly he saw that they, for the most part, received the 
gospel in the same spirit in which he offered it. Little by little, the 
community took a self-forgetful interest in all Christian enterprises and 
charities. There was begun, at the instigation of the wife of Oberlin, 
a kindergarten, conducted by excellent managers, with the deeply Chris- 
tian and cultivated Louise Scheppler, a farmer's daughter, at their head. 
Bible and tract circulation and foreign missions received a hearty sup- 


port. Oberlin was the first continental correspondent of the British 
Bible Society. That the poor and suffering in Waldbach were well 
cared for will be taken as a matter of course. 

Oberlin's weekly catechisings and public school examinations delighted 
the grown people, who attended in crowds, glad to mark the progress 
which was made by their children. Of course there were some who were 
negligent, idle, or refractory. Oberlin was unwearying, when he missed 
such from church or from other assemblies, in seeking them in their 
homes or upon their farms, and bringing them into the fold. Travel 
in his widely extended parish was attended with much danger, especially 
in the winter. Roaring snow-storms from the ravines of the mountains 
would sweep over the roads. The lonely traveler could easily lose his 
way and be caught fast in the drifts. He would find his path climbing 
by the edge of frightful abysses, over rocky ascents, all coated with ice ; 
or he would be obliged to cross the suddenly swollen mountain streams 
upon frail bridges, which perhaps were covered already by the rushing 
flood, and where an accident would cost him his life. But the watch- 
word of Oberlin was, " Forward." And God helped him in going for- 
ward for six and eighty years, and through worse things than the snowy 
avalanche or the mountain torrents. 

By the French Revolution, the peace of all Europe and the quiet progress 
Oberlin as a °^ tne community of Steinthal were both sadly interrupted, 
patriot. Oberlin, like many of the nobler spirits of Europe, whether 

in France or out of it, was at first filled with enthusiasm, remembering 
the evil rule of Charles Ninth and the last two Louises. But he abhorred 
the excess and bloodshed which followed, in the name of "the rights 
of man," as they were called by the mob, which inscribed this motto upon 
their banner. He kept aloof as much as possible from the political ex- 
citement. When he gave a hiding-place among his secluded mountains 
to some fugitive from France, he did it from love to man, not asking to 
what party the refugee belonged. When the " fete of the constitution " 
was held, and an " altar of France " was erected upon a high mountain, 
Oberlin made the inaugural address, at the earnest desire of his people, 
but gave it a religious character, holding fast by his Christian principles. 
With like propriety did he address the Steinthal volunteers, who were dis- 
posed to enter the French army. His position was made the more diffi- 
cult when, after the setting up of a republican government in France, 
Robespierre and Marat took the rule, and ordered all churches closed 
.and all Christian worship to cease, under the heaviest penalties. Oberlin 
purposed to be true to himself and to his God. He obeyed the govern- 
ment's command, however, in laying aside the cloak and tippet which were 
the insignia of his pastoral office. He would show his parish to be a law- 
abiding people. He caused them to hold an election of officers. The 
result was that on his motion the excellent school-teacher of Waldbach 


was made president, and Oberlin himself chosen " orator." The church 
was taken for an assembly hall, as the school-room was too narrow. Ober- 
lin thus filled his place as preacher, not in the pulpit, but upon a " trib- 
une," hastily erected. To his great grief he had to give up, for the 
time being, his catechisings. Still he did not escape denunciation by the 
Jacobin spies. One day, to the great amazement of his people, he was 
arrested and dragged before the tribunal of the national Hig escape from 
commissioner of his district, to be examined. But at the death - 
moment when his trial was about to begin, the news came of the over- 
throw of Robespierre, and Oberlin was set free without further ceremony. 
Public worship was again allowed by law (1795). The clergy were, 
however, admonished to proclaim to their people " the oath of hate to 
royalty and to anarchy, the oath of obedience and fidelity to the republic 
and to the constitution of the year 3 of the new era." Oberlin of course 
executed this command in consistence with his principles. He was sub- 
ject to the state for the Lord's sake, but so far only as his conscience as 
a Christian warranted him in showing obedience. 

Some time before the Revolution (January, 1783), Oberlin had re- 
ceived a blow, than which no heavier one could have be- „ 

Oberlm's trials 

fallen him. By a sudden stroke he lost what was called by and pecuiian- 
him his dearest earthly treasure. His faithful companion 
and untiring helper in every enterprise was taken away. He could not 
be comforted. He was unspeakably desolate. She was the repository of 
his most secret thoughts and plans. To her he spoke with confidence of 
everything that occupied or affected him. Her ever wise counsel he 
was accustomed faithfully to follow. Whither could he turn, or where 
stand, now that she was gone ? And what have we here in his diary, 
which has been preserved to us ? Nothing less than that he lived through 
nine years in communion with the glorified one, — now in dream, now in 
vision when he was awake, — and that he continued to discuss with her 
every measure which he purposed ! What he records of this is as if it 
were a real occurrence. It were well before we dismiss this with the 
exclamation, " Phantasy ! " " Delusion ! " " Hallucination ! " to withhold 
our judgment over such a mysterious fact, until it please God to show 
to us more concerning the relations of the worlds visible and invisible 
than He has yet vouchsafed to tell. We should also have charity for this 
child-like, believing spirit, and not count it presumption or trespass when 
we find him drawing a map of the world beyond ; placing it upon the 
church wall back of the pulpit ; carrying in his pocket two little tablets, 
one marked " oui," the other " non," and allowing them to render him in 
doubtful cases an answer as from God, — not, however, until he had uttered 
a silent prayer ! These peculiarities cannot deface, in our eyes, Oberlin's 
noble image. They rather show the child-like simplicity and believing 
sincerity of the humble servant of the Lord. 


The death of Oberlin took place June 1, 1826, at the advanced age of 
Oberiin's last eighty-six. Of him, as of Moses, it was true that " his eye 
da y s - was not dim, nor his natural force abated." He went home 

in full repose upon God, abounding as few men have in good works. 
Christ had been life to him ; death must have been gain. He left behind 
him, out of nine children, only one son and three daughters, besides an 
adopted child, his faithful servant, Louise Scheppler, whom he had led to 
Christ, and who after his wife's death presided in a model manner over 
his household. A son and a daughter had been taken away in tender 
childhood. His eldest son, Frederick Jeremiah, died (1793) as an in- 
ferior officer of the French army. His especially promising son, Henry, 
whom Lavater called his Nathanael, who for a time exchanged the study 
of theology and medicine for the work of war, died (1817) from the ef- 
fect of service under Napoleon. His son Charles Conserve, who, like 
Henry, studied medicine and theology, served as a physician for a time in 
the French army of the Rhine, then was pastor of Rothau parish, and at 
the time of his father's death was practicing as a skillful and philan- 
thropic physician in Foudai, a village of his father's parish. 

Oberlin was buried solemnly in the Waldbach cemetery, the entire 
population of the valley thronging around with sympathizing hearts, 
joined by many from distant places. Over his grave were shed tears of 
thankfulness in abundance. A plain monument marks his resting-place. 
It names him " Father of the Steinthal," and adds, in French, Daniel xii. 
3 : " They that turn many to righteousness shall shine as the stars for 
ever and ever." Many a token of respect was given Oberlin in his life- 
time. We have noted already his recognition by the chief of his land, 
and by Louis Eighteenth himself. And when a nobleman of Alsace, in 
the service of Russia, petitioned the czar Alexander, at Frankfort-on-the- 
Main, for leave to pay a visit to Oberlin, whose pupil he had been, the 
czar replied, " Monsieur Oberlin is well known to me. I esteem him, 
and commission you to say to him that I love and highly honor him." 
When the nobleman, upon his return, was about to kiss the czar's hand 
in the name of Oberlin, the czar would not allow it, saying, " You know 
that I will have my hand kissed by no one, and least of all by a de- 
serving pastor." He then kissed his officer thrice, saying, " This is for 
Papa Oberlin." The Steinthal reformer received visits from many for- 
eign lands, and letters testifying respect and love. Of their number, be- 
sides Lavater and Stilling, we name the poet Pfeffel and the celebrated 
Madame Krudener. The memory of Oberlin is preserved in song and 
in biography. The honor which, above all that has been paid him, 
might be an object of envy is this : that to-day no member of his old 
parish draws near his grave-stone without profound reverence ; and that 
every year many friends of the cause of God, from near and from far, 
approach his grave, blessing the man of faith, of prayer, and of toil with 
an "Ave! pia auima." — F. W. K. 



A. D. 1610 1-A. D. 1661. PRESBYTERIAN, SCOTLAND. 

James Guthrie was the first clergyman of the Scottish church who 
fell a martyr in her persecutions under Charles Second. Marked at one 
time by greater cruelty, at another by less, these persecutions continued 
throughout twenty-eight years, until the revolution of 1 688 brought the 
dominion of the Stuart family forever to a close. The enmity of king 
Charles to the peculiar spirit of the Presbyterian church, and above all to 
the foundation principle of her constitution, that Jesus Christ is the alone 
head of his church, and shares his kingly power with no earthly potentate, 
was in a certain measure an inheritance from his ancestors. Both his 
grandfather, James First, and his father, Charles First, were stubbornly 
determined that the king's rule in church affairs, which had been acknowl- 
edged by the English church since her reformation, should prevail in 
Scotland. The former, recognizing in the English hierarchy the surest 
support of his rule in the church, had forced an episcopal constitution on 
the church of Scotland. This was hateful to her for a twofold reason. 
The Scotch considered that they must maintain their Presbyterian con- 
stitution as the alone scriptural. They believed that the imposition of 
the episcopalian by a royal command was a mischievous invasion of 
rights exclusively reserved to their invisible Head. When Charles First 
went to work to force upon the Scottish church the Romanized forms 
which were introduced by him into the worship of the English church, 
the Presbyterian spirit, after a long repose, rose in its might to rend the 
fetters placed upon it. Clergy, nobles, citizens, and work people united 
in the "Covenant" (1638), swearing fidelity to the Lord The Scottigh 
their God, and to one another. They restored the church "Covenant.'' 
as she was after the Reformation. They renounced all innovations and 
the episcopacy which had been forced upon them wrongfully by the royal 

The declaration of war against Scotland by Charles on account of this 
" Second Reformation " of the Scottish church, as it was called, was an 
immediate cause of the kindling of the glimmering discontent of England 
with her king into a bright flame, of the shaking of Great Britain by 
revolution to her very foundations, of the overthrowing of the throne, and 
of the ending of Charles's life upon the scaffold (1649). 

The hearts of the Scotch, who held loyally to the royal house of their 
own race, were filled with discontent and pain by the news of that blame- 
worthy execution. They proclaimed at once the unfortunate monarch's 
eldest son Charles Second, and invited him from his exile in Holland to 
repair to Scotland to begin his reign. But they laid down the condition 


that he should solemnly swear never to make any change in the Presby- 
terian constitution, as restored in Scotland, but to observe the same, and 
to bring his house to observe it. This vow the young king not only took, 
by subscribing the covenant before his entrance into Scotland, but re- 
newed after that by a solemn oath at his coronation. Charles's stay in 
Scotland at that time was not of long duration. He was beaten by 
Cromwell (1651), and compelled to flee to the Continent, where he re- 
mained until the reaction in England which brought him back to the 
throne of his fathers. 

All too quickly after his restoration, he showed, by the measures which 
he took for the entire obliteration of the Presbyterian church, how little 
weight he attached to his solemn oath. Already, during his stay in Scot- 
land, he had by his whole behavior excited the deepest solicitude of clear- 
sighted Presbyterians, to whom, with all their loyalty to their earthly 
sovereign, their fidelity to their heavenly king was far more precious. 

In this class was James Guthrie, pastor of Berling. He had ever, as 
Guthrie's Chris- a faithful shepherd of his people, earnestly kept in mind the 
tian attitude. counsels of God for their salvation. As a zealous watch- 
man of Zion, he had ever contended for the rights and liberties of the 
church, and thereby had already brought upon him the enmity of the 
king and of his viceroy, Middleton, who was sent to carry out his meas- 
ures against the church of Scotland. This enmity soon found occasion 
to make itself felt. Guthrie and nine other clergymen had met in Edin- 
burgh, in a friend's house, to prepare in common a humble address to 
the king, in which they congratulated him upon his return, declared their 
loyal sentiments, and fervently prayed God to make his rule happy and 
blest, but at the same time reminded him of his sworn pledges to the 
Scottish church. It was their intention to communicate this address to 
their like-minded brethren throughout the country, and to secure for it 
as many signatures as possible. Middleton, the moment he heard of this 
secret assembly, had its members dragged by a company of soldiers to 
prison, which Guthrie was never to leave, save to go to death by the 
hand of the executioner. 

After long imprisonment, his trial on a charge of high treason was 
begun. The indictment was based upon two facts. Guthrie, though a 
true subject of the king, and often contending publicly, even under Crom- 
well, for the right of Charles as opposed to the English commander, had, 
in a writing published by him (1650), blamed the readiness with which 
Charles had been admitted to sign the covenant and to rule before he 
had given proof of his favorable sentiments towards the church. The 
other fact was as follows : At the king's suggestion, an earlier resolve of 
the Scotch parliament, excluding from the service of the king and the 
state all enemies of the covenant and of the Presbyterian church, was 
repealed (1651). Guthrie had denounced this, in a sermon delivered at 


that time, as treason to the cause of the Lord. "When he was sum- 
moned to appear before the king and the parliament to answer for this, 
he returned the summons with a protest against the right of the civil 
power to pass judgment on matters which touched the fulfilling of his 
duties as a pastor. The protest rested on a principle maintained at all 
times by the Scottish church against the civil power, though not always 
successfully. At that moment the condition of public affairs in Scotland 
prevented the king calling Guthrie to account. Now the matter should 
be settled.* 

When the trial of Guthrie before the Scotch parliament was entered 
upon (February 20, 1661), he defended himself with an 
eloquence, knowledge of law, and power of argument that 
amazed his friends and confounded his enemies. " My lords," said he 
to his judges, " my conscience I cannot submit, but this old crazy body 
and mortal flesh I do submit to do with it whatsoever you will, whether 
by death, or banishment, or imprisonment, or anything else ; only I be- 
seech you to ponder well what profit there is in my blood. It is not the 
extinguishing me, or many others, that will extinguish the covenant and 
the work of reformation since the year 1638. My blood, my bondage, 
or my banishment will contribute more for the propagation of those 
things than my life or my liberty could do, though I should live many 
years. Therefore, I entreat you, since I have been deprived of my pas- 
torate, my dwelling, and my support, and reduced with my family to the 
necessity of living on the compassion of others, and since I have been 
eight months in prison, that you would not impose on me further suffer- 
ing. With the words of Jeremiah I close : ' As for me, behold, I am in 
your hand : do with me as seemeth good and meet unto you. But know 
ye for certain, that if ye put me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent 
blood upon yourselves, and upon this city, and upon the inhabitants 
thereof.' " 

Guthrie's speech made such an impression upon the assembly that 
some of the members withdrew, to avoid any share in the blood of this 
righteous person. Nevertheless, the sentence of the parliament was pro- 
nounced that he be hanged as a traitor on the Edinburgh market-place, 
and his head cut off and set up over the gate ; " also, that his estate 
should be confiscated, his coat of arms torn and reversed, and his chil- 
dren declared incapable in all time coming to enjoy any office, dignity, 
goods movable or unmovable, or aught else, within this kingdom." He 
received the sentence with the greatest composure, saying, " My lords, 
may this sentence never trouble you more than it troubles me, and may 
my blood never be required of the king's house ! " 

The time from his sentence to his execution (June 1, 1661) Guthrie 
passed in undisturbed serenity, which grew even to gladness when the 
day of his execution came around. On his way to the scaffold, his arms 


tied behind his back, he asked that one of them might be loosed enough 
His brave holy ^° anow him, as he was not used to walking by reason of his 
death. i on g imprisonment, to support himself upon a staff. When 

he reached the fatal ladder, he spoke, as bishop Burnet, an eye-witness of 
his execution, testifies, " a whole hour, with the composedness of one 
who was delivering a sermon rather than his last words." While he 
urgently besought the people to be true to the covenant, whatever trial 
came upon them, his address was also an earnest call to repentance for 
the sins of which Scotland was guilty, through apostasy or lukewarm- 
ness in respect to her covenant with the Lord, thereby bringing the 
wrath of God upon her. " These sacred, solemn, public oaths to God," 
said he, " which, since we entered into them, have been attested by the 
conversion of so many thousands of souls, can never be released or re- 
moved by any man, or party, or power on the earth. As they are now, 
so for all future time will they remain, obligatory upon this realm! I 
take God to record upon my soul," said he, " that I would not exchange 
this scaffold with the palace or mitre of the greatest prelate in Britain. 
Blessed be God, who upon such a poor creature as I am has bestowed 
his grace, has revealed his Son in me, has called me as a preacher of his 
gospel, and deigned by his Holy Spirit to seal my labors, in spite of the 
opposition of Satan and of the world, in not a few hearts of this people." 
In closing, he cried, " Jesus Christ is my light and my life. He is my 
wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, and redemption. To Him are all 
my desires. Him, yes Him, I commend to you with all the powers of 
my soul. Praise Him, my soul, to all eternity ! " He then ended 
with Simeon's words : " Lord, now lettest Thou thy servant depart in 
peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." At the instant he was 
precipitated from the ladder, lifting the napkin from his face, he cried, 
" The covenants, the covenants shall yet be Scotland's reviving ! " 

Thus died the venerable James Guthrie, who may rightly be called 
the first martyr for Christ's crown and covenant, for the crime charged 
upon him was substantially his refusal to subject Christ's royal rule of 
his church by Himself alone to the arrogated supremacy of any earthly 
Honors to his power. The high honor in which a martyr of this princi- 
headiess body. p] 6j g^ as Guthrie, was held by Scotland is shown by 
what followed. His headless body 1 was laid in a coffin by his friends, 
and carried to the chancel of the old church, where it was prepared by a 
company of women of high station for an honorable burial. Some of 
the ladies, dipping their handkerchiefs in the blood of the martyr, were 
blamed by Sir Archibald Primrose, who stood by, for their approach to 

1 " His head was affixed to the Netherbow, and there it remained, blackening in the sun, 
through all the dark years of persecution that followed. The martyrs on their way to the 
Grave Market passed the spot where it was exposed. At last it was taken down by a 
young man named Hamilton, a student, who afterwards became successor to the man to 
whose remains he performed this kind office." 


popish superstition ; one of them answered, " We purpose not to turn it 
to superstition or idolatry, but to raise these blood-stained cloths to 
heaven, and pray God to remember the innocent blood thus shed." 
While the women were thus engaged, a noble youth entered, and poured 
on the body a vial of precious perfume whose fragrance filled the church. 
Perceiving it, one of the women cried, " God bless you, sir, for this act 
of love which you have shown the slain body of a faithful servaut of 
Jesus Christ." The youth bowed low, and without speaking withdrew. 
— K. G. R. 


A. D. 1640 ?-A. D. 1666. PRESBYTERIAN, SCOTLAND. 

The persecutions by Charles Second of the faithful Presbyterians of 
Scotland grew in violence (1661-1666), marked especially by military 
outrages and exactions in the regions where the hearts of the people pre- 
served a hearty love for Presbyterianism, and opposed as a matter of con- 
science, an episcopacy which was imposed on them by royal tyranny. 
For years the faithful Scotch bore the barbarities of a rude soldiery with- 
out resistance. They had seen with deepest pain their loved pastors driven 
from their churches, and forced to prison or into exile, while their places 
were filled with unworthy hirelings. They yet cherished the hope that 
their oppressed cries would not ascend in vain to heaven, but that sooner 
or later the hour of their deliverance would dawn. At last, a deed of 
revolting cruelty by the royal troops in the west of Scotland put a limit 
to the calm endurance of intolerable injury. A portion of the people, 
some of the men of property joining them, rose against the cruel tort- 
urers. The rising was of small extent and short continuance, for even 
the decided Presbyterians were, most of them, opposed on principle to 
armed resistance. The handful of insurgents, after solemnly renewing 
the covenant and marching towards Edinburgh, where they hoped for sup- 
port, were overwhelmed by the troops of the king after a valiant resist- 
ance. Those who had taken part in the rising, or were suspected of partic- 
ipation, were pursued with the most unrelenting severity. So also were 
those who had given them shelter or food, or in any way had had con- 
nection with them. A great number of such were punished by death. 

Among these was Hugh MacKail, a youthful preacher of learning, 
eloquence, and profound piety. He had been with the in- MacKairs of _ 
surgents but a few days. He was not equal, on account of fenso - 
his physical weakness, to enduring military labor. He was not with them 
in their battle. He had, however, at an earlier period found occasion, in 
preaching upon the sufferings which Christ's church has borne in all 
ages, to say that " the people of God have sometimes been persecuted by 


a Pharaoh upon the throne, sometimes by a Haman in the cabinet, and 
sometimes by a Judas in the church." Though he had made no closer 
application of his examples, his utterance was carried to the ears of the 
merciless persecutor of Presbyterianism, archbishop Sharp, who at once 
thought he was meant by the " Judas in the church." MacKail would at 
that time have been put in prison had he not fled and kept concealed for 
a time in various places of hiding. 

Now brought before the council he was interrogated respecting the in- 
stigators and leaders of the rising, and what alliances they had at home 
or abroad. He affirmed utter ignorance of the existence of such alli- 
ances, explaining how far his own share in the enterprise extended. 
His fearful tort- There was then laid before him the instrument of torture 
ure - known as the " Spanish boot," frequently used upon the 

persecuted Presbyterians, and he was told if he did not confess it should 
be used upon him. He solemnly protested again that he had nothing 
more to confess. The executioner put the foot of MacKail into the boot, 
and proceeded to the fearful torture. A heavy blow drove the wedge 
down and crushed the leg. MacKail was anew called to confess, but to no 
purpose. Blow after blow followed, at intervals, prolonging the terrible 
pain. With Christian fortitude the heroic martyr possessed his soul in 
patience. Seven or eight blows had crushed the flesh and sinews to the 
very joints, when he, without a trace of impatience or bitterness, sol- 
emnly declared before God that he could say no more should all the mem- 
bers of his body be tortured as that poor limb. Then the wedge was 
given three blows more, till the joints also were crushed, and a swoon 
deprived him of consciousness. He was borne off to the prison. Inter- 
cession was made for him with the viceroy and with Sharp by the mar- 
quis of Douglass and the duchess of Hamilton, but in vain. He was 
sentenced, for sharing in the insurrection and for renewing the covenant, 
to be hanged as a traitor in the Edinburgh market-place. The sentence 
was announced to him by the council. Taken back to prison, he fell on 
his knees and prayed fervently for himself and for his five comrades who 
were sentenced with him. To a friend who came to him he said, " Oh, 
He joys in his what joy to be able in a few days to see the face of Jesus 
prison. Christ!" When his friend lamented that one so young, liv- 

ing in a day when he could be so useful to the church of God, must die, 
he replied, "One drop of my blood, by God's grace, can win more hearts 
than would probably the preaching of many years." During his stay in 
prison he amazed his hearers by his prayers and praises, quickened as he 
was even to holy gladness and to a divine repose, which never left him. 
When he was asked how it was with his crushed limb, he replied, jok- 
ingly, " The danger of my neck makes me forget my leg." He took care 
to exhort his comrades to this joyful confidence. He read to them, at 
night, from the Bible, and especially the sixteenth Psalm, saying, " On 

Cent. XV1I.-XIX.] HUGH MACKAIL. 507 

to-morrow evening we shall no more in the land of the living listen to 
the Lord in his Word, but shall be there where the Lamb himself shall 
be our Scripture and our Light, in the which we shall dwell, there by 
the clear river of water flowing from the throne of God and the Lamb." 
He slept calmly, and next morning waked his comrade in suffering, John 
Wodrow, with the merry words, " Up, John ! We do not seem as people 
who are to die to-day when we sleep so late ! " He then prayed with great 
fervor that the Lord would grant him and his companions to profess a 
good profession that day before so many witnesses. Led to the place of 
execution at two o'clock (December 22, 1666), MacKail, as all who had 
known him were persuaded, seemed cheerful and calm as ever. His ap- 
pearance as he went along the way excited, as his contemporary Kirkton 
relates, " such a lamentation as was never known in Scotland before ; not 
one dry eye upon all the street, or in all the numberless windows in the 
market-place." The exceeding youthfulness and gentleness of his as- 
pect, the sweetness and repose of his face, impressed all who saw him. 
A deep wave of sympathy and of horror ran through the multitude, and 
while some cursed the bishop others prayed for the young martyr. . Sing- 
ing the thirty-first Psalm on his way to the scaffold, he prayed, as he 
reached it, with such fervor and power as made many of the people 
weep bitterly. When he had laid his hand on the ladder to climb up, 
he cried aloud, " I care no more for the going up that ladder and over it 
than if I were going to my father's house." Turning to his companions, 
he added, " My friends, be not afraid ; every rung of this ladder is a step 
nearer heaven." 

Standing upon the ladder, he uttered his last words. He said, " I now 
give my life cheerfully for the truth and for the cause of Hig eloquence 
God, for the covenants and the work of the Reformation, when d y in s- 
which once was the glory of this people. Nothing save the desire to 
maintain it, and to pluck up the bitter root of prelacy, has brought me 
hither." When he saw some of his friends present in tears, he said, 
" Weep not, but rather pray and thank God, who has sustained me, and 
who will not leave me at this last hour of my earthly pilgrimage ; for my 
trust and recompense is his promise, ' I will give unto him that is athirst 
of the fountain of life freely;' I hear the call, 'The Spirit and the 
bride say, Come ! ' I say to you, my friends, I go to my Father and your 
Father, to my God and your God, to the holy apostles and martyrs, to 
the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem. I say to all, Fare- 
well ; He will be to you a better comforter than I, and will refresh me 
better than you are able. Farewell, farewell in the Lord." He then 
prayed once more, and when his face was covered for the fall he sud- 
denly raised the cloth, and said, " If you perhaps marvel that you see no 
despondency in my countenance, I will tell you the reason : Besides 
knowing my cause righteous, I have confidence that, as was said of 


Lazarus when he died, the angels will bear away my soul into Abraham's 
bosom. As at this solemn moment here are great throngs of people, 
a scaffold, a gallows, and many who look out of the windows, so there is 
grander and more solemn preparing by the angels to bear my spirit to 
Christ's embrace. He will present it spotless and pure through his blood 
to the Father, and then shall I be ever with the Lord." He closed with 
a flight of Christian eloquence which has often amazed us : " And now 
I leave off to speak any more with creatures, and begin my intercourse 
with God, which shall never be broken off! Farewell, father and mother, 
friends and relations ! Farewell, the world and all delights ! Farewell, 
sun, moon, and stars ! Welcome, God and Father ! Welcome, sweet 
Jesus Christ, the Mediator of the new covenant ! Welcome, blessed 
Spirit of Grace, the God of all consolation ! Welcome, glory ! Wel- 
come, eternal life ! And welcome, death ! Lord, into thine hand I 
commit my spirit. Thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth ! " 

"Thus passed from earth," says a Scotch historian, "one of the bright- 
est, purest, and most sanctified spirits that ever animated a mere human 
form ; a victim to prelatic tyranny, and a rejoicing martyr for Christ's 
sole kingly dominion over his church, and for that sacred covenant in 
which the church of Scotland had vowed allegiance to her divine and 
only Head and King. Till the records of time shall have melted into 
those of eternity, the name of that young Christian martyr will be held 
in most affectionate remembrance and fervent admiration by every true 
Scottish Presbyterian, and will be regarded by the church of Scotland 
as one of the fairest jewels that ever she was honored to add to the con- 
quering Redeemer's crown of glory." — K. G. R. 


A. D. 1615-A. D. 1691. PRESBYTERIAN, — ENGLAND. 

Among the most remarkable men of the English evangelical church 
of the seventeenth century is Richard Baxter. This place he takes not 
only through his powerful preaching, aided as it was by royal gifts of in- 
tellect, but also by his countless writings of a practical Christian char- 
acter, many of them so full of blessing. 

In the history of this storm-swept period, he is seen in the very beat 
Church parties °^ tne conflict which shook England, in both church and 
in Baxter's day. state, to her very foundations. A decided supporter of 
church liberty and independence, Baxter took the side of the Presby- 
terians as opposed to the Episcopalians, who favored the ancient alliance 
of the Episcopal church and the state under the king as " supreme 
head." Along-side these two parties, a third, the Independents, now 


rose up, rejecting not only a state church, but the Presbyterian principle 
of representative government, maintaining rather the unlimited inde- 
pendency of each congregation. When these came marching under their 
banner of democracy and radicalism, Baxter would not flinch from the 
ground on which he had conscientiously planted himself in the beginning. 
He deeply deplored the spiritual death prevailing in the national church, 
and as a preacher lifted his mighty voice to insist upon individual piety. 
His words have found echo in the great Independent preachers of the 
present century. Thrown amid civil and ecclesiastical wars, Baxter 
avoided extreme or severe opinions. He presented still a Christ-like 
character, full of the peace which flows from Christ in God. He proved 
himself, as Neander calls him, " a man of that true and right mean which 
only the gospel can develop and preserve." From that gospel his 
whole life proceeded. 

The birth of Baxter occurred in Rowton, a village in Shropshire, 
Sunday morning, November 12, 1615, at the hour when the bells were 
ringing for church service. The child was given by his parents, who 
were not rich in this world's goods, an example of Christian piety, to 
which his father, who had led a careless life, had been but recently 
awakened. On Sundays, while the crowd went after church service to 
spend the hours till late evening in excess, the father, who was nick- 
named Pharisee and hypocrite for his devotion, passed the day of the 
Lord quietly in his family. He read to them the Bible and good books, 
and talked of the truths of Christianity. The impressions thus made 
upon the boy were fixed by means of his own careful reading of the 
Bible, which his father explained to him in its true historical sense, and 
of the few books, all of the old puritan order, which were within his 
reach. None the less, selfish and sensual desires found place in his 
mind, nor left his childhood or youth unspotted, as he himself informs us. 
His conscience waking, and sharply reproving him, he learned all the 
more deeply to hate sin and to long after purity. His in- Baxter!g reC ord 
debtedness to his father he thus records : " God made him of Msfather - 
his instrument to produce in me the first religious convictions and the 
first delight in a holy life, as well as to restrain me from grosser trans- 
gression. Even when I was very young, I was filled with horror of evil 
by his earnest discourse upon God and the future." The child was 
deeply moved by two other agencies : the earthquake which on the coro- 
nation day of Charles First put a sudden end to the extravagant rejoic- 
ing of the people, and the perusal of an old religious work entitled " The 
Redemption," which a poor villager had given to his father. 

Baxter's growth in spirit ripened into a decision to serve Christ as a 
preacher of the gospel. His parents were too poor to support him in a 
university. He was, therefore, after a very imperfect preparation, com- 
mitted to a certain London chaplain, to be trained for his calling. He 


was tempted anew through his teacher to forsake religion. Help was 
brought him by a good friend, from whom he first heard a prayer " with- 
out the book," and in whose company he himself diligently prayed and 
engaged in the study of the best devotional writings. After eighteen 
months in London he went home, and there pursued his study of theol- 
ogy and his personal advancement in religion under a venerable clergy- 
man named Garbett. Through many a conflict he pressed on to the full 
assurance of his peace with God. His health was greatly impaired, and to 
human view he had not long to live. He was therefore forced to forego 
his ambitious hope of a high academical degree and of literary renown. 
His flesh and blood were sorely mortified through his sufferings. He 
Baxter thankful was thence led to the more earnest effort in religion and in 
for sickness. preparation for eternity. He said afterwards that he de- 
voutly thanked the kind providence of God for giving him treasure in an 
earthen vessel, training him in the school of suffering, and imparting to 
him an experience of Christ's cross, so that he might, to use Luther's 
words, be a doctor of the cross (theologus crucis) rather than a doctor 
of worldly renown (theologus glorias). 

Baxter inflicted upon himself a pain deeper than that of his body by 
his own mistakes. In his severe self-examination he would keep his 
thoughts upon the sinfulness of his nature. Hence, he wrongly came to 
estimate his prospect of salvation by the liveliness of his emotions. In 
his state of feeling, which was made very uncertain by his bodily weak- 
ness, he would suffer doubt and anguish about the genuineness of his 
faith and of his religious life. " I am vexed," he says, " at my hard- 
ness of heart, and that I can think and talk of Christ and salvation, God 
and heaven, with so little feeling." Another mistake was his attempt 
to define the dying of the old nature and the beginning of new life in 
his heart by fixed dates and experiences. But he came out at last a con- 
queror. He learned not " to be constantly dwelling upon self." He saw 
that, with all his strict self-examining, " something higher was needed : 
man must look to God, to Christ, and to heaven more than to his own 
heart." He perceived that sovereign grace "frequently in unnoticed 
gentle ways converts men, and that in the converted there is much of 
the old man still remaining." 

Baxter's spiritual training was not complete until he had won a vic- 
tory in a struggle of his faith with the power of unbelief. Through the 
doubts of his intellect all the foundations of his belief were strength- 
ened. Yet he encountered such " mountains of difficulty " in relation to 
the incarnation, person, and work of Christ that he would, he affirms, 
have been crushed and overwhelmed, if God had not proven his strength. 
He deemed it a divine favor that the struggle came long after the root- 
ing of his heart in the truth, so that he was able to endure it. " The 
tree-top rising heavenward has its roots stronger and deeper, that it may 
withstand the dreadful storms." 


Thus nobly trained by trial and struggle, Richard Baxter advanced to 
his work. He committed himself to the direction of God, 

Baxter s parish. 

not making effort for any particular position. His chief 
sphere of labor he found in preaching to the church of Kidderminster, a 
village in the county of Worcester. A commission had been established 
by the Long Parliament for the reform of the clergy (1640). Its 
dreaded investigation was anticipated by many unfaithful clergymen by 
agreeing with their churches to give a part of their incomes to support 
curates or assistants. The hireling vicar of Kidderminster had sorely 
neglected his people. The church therefore gave a call to Baxter, 
which he accepted as from God (April, 1641). He entered upon a pe- 
riod of quiet, blessed labor, made very short by the raging political tem- 
pests which involved his life in turmoil and trouble. 

About the middle of this year (1641), the law passed the House of 
Commons abolishing the established church. A war broke out, with the 
friends of the church and the king, the so-called Cavaliers, on one side, 
and the adherents of Parliament, the Roundheads, as they were called 
from their closely cut hair, on the other. In February of the year fol- 
lowing the king collected an army, in response to an appeal to the court- 
iers who stood by him. These events involved Kidderminster, and 
snatched Baxter for many months away from his congregation. One 
day, when he chanced to pass a Cavalier, who was reading the king's ap- 
peal in the market-place, he heard him shout after him, " There goes a 
traitor ! " He was in danger of his life. Forced to leave Kidderminster, 
he found himself saluted in the shire-town, also, as a Puritan, from his 
style of dress, and heard the cry, " Down with the Roundheads ! " He 
took refuge in the middle counties, intending to join the army that was 
gathering here on the side of Parliament against the monarch. 

Though a resolute opponent of the indecent radical attack upon the state 
church by Independent fanatics, Baxter was a decided supporter of the 
Parliament, and of the Presbyterian party which controlled Baxter an army 
it. Here only he found genuine earnest Christian piety, diap^m. 
with a sincere effort for a thorough renovation of the church's life. He 
engaged in public services every Sabbath for the troops of Parliament 
and the Puritan refugees. When after the battle of Naseby (June, 1645) 
the Independents under Cromwell were in the ascendency, and Baxter 
saw the spread of fanaticism in the army, he felt called to oppose the 
disorder so repellant to a Presbyterian with all his power. He continued 
as a chaplain of a regiment, attending it in all its marches till the close 
of the first civil war (1647). 

This unsettled life was brought to an end by a severe illness. He was 
received and kindly cared for at a nobleman's country-seat. During his 
seclusion here of four months, in the constant expectation of death, " in 
order to assist his thoughts heavenward and sweeten his remaining life 


and his death," he composed his " Saint's Rest," a book fraught with 
most sacred and profound thought, and with joyous rest in God. Along 
with overflowing spirituality, this notable book contains significant utter- 
ances on the thorough renovation of England, which Baxter was looking 
for in that hour of his country's trial. He exclaims, " Oh, that I might 
see the whole people obedient to the gospel, aud in earnest for the Ref- 
ormation and the kingship of Jesus Christ ! Then what a blessed country 
were England ! " 

Recovering his health, Baxter, at the call of his church, returned to 
Kidderminster to resume his former duties, in which he continued happily 
and successfully for twelve years (1648-1660). He declined a call to 
accompany Charles Second's army as a chaplain, in its contest with the 
Independents. He soon beheld the remnant of the defeated force flying 
through his parish. Upon the usurpation of Cromwell, Baxter was 
obliged to pronounce an adverse judgment. Still he recognized the good 
achieved by Cromwell, especially in defending liberty of conscience and 
of worship. He says, " I praise God that He gives me such freedom 
and opportunity to preach the gospel under a usurper whom I opposed, 
as was never enjoyed by me under a king to whom I pledged and rendered 
faithful obedience." Protected by Cromwell's government, Baxter dis- 
played an amazing efficiency in his parish of Kidderminster. He sought 
Baxter's ideal m ms l aDors to realize the ideal of a clergyman as he por- 
P astor - trayed the same to the preachers of his day in his book en- 

titled "The Reformed Pastor." Under his discourses upon sin and the 
grace of God in Christ, moving and powerful as they were, his church 
became too small for his congregation. Nor did he content himself with 
his Sabbath sermons, but gave a week-day sermon every Thursday morn- 
ing, and held meetings in his house the same day for reviewing the ser- 
mon, for conference, and for the impartation of spiritual counsel. One 
day every week he gathered the young for instruction in the creed and 
for devotional exercises. He especially promoted family worship in the 
houses of all church members. He invited awakened Christians to meet- 
ings, admitting whoever came, conferring with them upon questions of 
religious life, and leading them to edify one another. Two days in every 
week he catechised in fourteen families, speaking with earnestness to each 
individual, and administering impressive admonitions. He gave much 
time to looking after individuals. Every member of his parish was the 
object of his untiring solicitude and helpful love. He could say that 
among six hundred communicants there were not twelve of whom he was 
not able to hope that they were really pious. The savings of his scant 
income he used for the poor, and for the education of boys without means, 
of whom he trained more than one for the clerical office. He gave 
great thought and labor to the religious instruction of the children. He 
found here a lever for overcoming the opposition of unchristian parents. 


Thro.ugh their children he led them to Christ. He testifies that in this 
way were many of the adult and aged won to the gospel. He also ap- 
proached fathers and mothers upon the duty of working for the Christian 
training of their children. He was anxious that every family should 
have a Bible, and that solid Christian books should be read in the parish 
by young and by old. The result of his labor was seen in that no schisms 
entered his church, and that no sects or fanatics got a foot-hold there. 
The parish that of late was so barren was thoroughly renewed. " When 
I went thither," he said, " there was in no street more than one family 
that called on God ; when I went away there were several streets where 
there was not a household that did not have family worship." 

To his great activity in the pastorate he added fruitfulness as a writer. 
He composed at this period the book already named, in _. 

1 A , t . His great books. 

which he presented to his brothers in office, with whom he 
met at times to discuss their common work, his portrait of the model 
pastor (following Paul's words, Acts xx. 28). He wrote also his work 
"On Self-Denial," revealing the depths of sin existing in selfishness. 
His " Call to the Unconverted " reached twenty thousand copies within 
twelve months. John Eliot, the evangelist of the American Indians, 
translated it into the Indian language. Others of the writings of Baxter 
are his " Now or Never, " " On Conversion," and " On Peace of Con- 
science." The power of his books lies not in any rhetorical display, but 
in the plain declaration of truth founded on personal experience. 

In April, 1660, Baxter left Kidderminster to accept a call to London. 
Here he preached (from Ezek. xxxvi. 31) before the Parliament upon a 
day of fasting and prayer, severely censuring the king's execution and 
the establishment of the republic. Rejoicing sincerely in the restora- 
tion of the monarchy, he took a royal chaplaincy, and devoted himself to 
carrying out a general church organization, but without success. Before 
this he had striven for a union of church parties and efforts in England. 
He was a member of a committee appointed by the first Parliament 
under the Protectorate to lay down the essential foundation articles of 
Christian faith as a basis of mutual toleration and of real union. In 
order to unite the church on the ground of the essentials of Christian 
faith as presented in the Apostles' Creed and the vows of baptism, Bax- 
ter would form a general church government. In every Baster i s plan of 
parish there should be a bishop, on the model of the ancient a church. 
church. A company of overseers and stewards should be given him, 
chosen yearly by the congregation. The churches thus organized and 
self-governing should form a grand church of England, governed by 
diocesan and national synods. Thus the church's constitution should 
combine certain peculiarities of Episcopacy, Presbyterianism, and Inde- 

Baxter now gave expression to his views in a conference of divines, 


whose meetings were, most of them, held under the king's presidency 
Before the results of the discussions were published in a royal declara- 
tion (October 25, 1660), Baxter was offered the bishopric of Hereford. 
He declined, expressing a preference for his old parish of Kidderminster. 
For he did not trust the promises of the king. He feared, as bishop, 
coming into conscientious conflict with the royal policy, and besides " did 
not know what to do with the ignorant and unqualified ministers who 
were come into the places of many devout divines that had lost their 
places by the Restoration." But he was not allowed to go back to his 
former quiet field. In consequence of his declinature of a bishopric he 
was suspected of secret hostility to his king. He was accused of traitor- 
ous and anti-royal views, on the ground of certain oral and written utter- 
ances, which had been taken out of their connections and unfavorably 
interpreted. In the Savoy conference (March, 1661), he still toiled 
Baxter's plan of untiringly to reconcile the Episcopalians and moderate Puri- 
a nturgy. t ans- jj e presented the plan of a " reformed liturgy " as a 

substitute for the prayer-book. He met insuperable difficulties in the 
opposition of the bishops. His public work as an ecclesiast closed at 
this time. 

The so-called "Act of Uniformity," passed by Parliament, was ap- 
proved by the king (1662), with a view to restore quiet to the church. 
By this it was established that clergy " who do not accept unqualifiedly 
the Book of Common Prayer in the revised form appointed by the Par- 
liament and bishops shall be deprived of their offices and incomes." As a 
result, two thousand clergy of Presbyterian or Puritan views were ejected. 
Baxter among the rest found himself excluded from every public church 
■office. He now for the first time married, and lived quietly at Acton, near 
London, devoting himself to authorship. By holding in his own and 
other houses private religious services, which attracted many, he was ac- 
cused of a crime in keeping a " conventicle," and condemned to six 
months' imprisonment, which was shared with him by his wife. By 
the " Act of Toleration " of Charles Second (1672), all punishments of 
non-comformists were suspended. Their meetings in certain places were 
allowed, and their preachers taken under the care of the magistrates. 
Baxter now regained his liberty, and preached in public in London, 
though not in any church. Yet throngs of people gathered to his ser- 
mons, so full of the unction of the Spirit. He composed, in addition to 
other eagerly read religious books, a work on family religion. He deliv- 
ered discourses to the rough, ignorant people in a part of London noto- 
rious for the character of its inhabitants. All this excited new opposi- 
tion and persecution. He lost his faithful and Christian wife (1681). 
He was summoned by the officials before the court. Only a physician's 
certificate that from dangerous illness he could not be taken, save at the 
peril of his life, kept him from arrest and imprisonment. He said, " As 


on the stormy sea one billow crowds upon another, so follows one dis- 
tress and danger upon another." His zeal was especially employed 
upon an explanatory paraphrase of the New Testament, for use in family 
worship. Upon this he met renewed persecutions. On account of some 
expressions in his exposition of the Testament, he was sum- Baxter before 
moned by judge Jeffreys before the court, and in disregard Jeffreys. 
of his request for a thorough, scholarly investigation he was condemned 
to pay a large fine, as an enemy of king, bishops, and church. 

In addition to all the labors described, Baxter put forth efforts in be- 
half of home and foreign missions. He viewed the work of extending 
the gospel to the unchristian world as in the largest sense a duty of the 
church. " It is a painful reflection," he says, " that five sixths of man- 
kind are still pagan or Mohammedan, and that Christian princes and 
preachers are not doing more for their conversion." " The heart of a 
believer," he says in another place, " must bleed at the thought that such 
large numbers of mankind are pagans, Mohammedans, and infidels, and 
that the chief obstacle to their conversion is found in Christians them- 
selves, with their strifes and schisms ; and that Mohammedans and pagans 
often show more of the fear of God and of morality than the Christians 
who live among them." He heartily rejoiced at the mission work of John 
Eliot among the Indians of North America. A share in it was enjoyed 
by him through the translation of his " Call to the Unconverted," and 
through the success of his efforts to sustain a society to promote the 
kingdom of God among the aborigines of North America, which organ- 
ized and took collections under the protection of Cromwell. 

He could not rest, with the amount of physical suffering and moral 
depravity which existed in London before his eyes. He took in hand 
with energy the work of home missions for saving the los.t. He showed 
the greatest activity in far-reaching labors of love, made necessary by the 
fearful plague, which swept off one hundred thousand citizens of London 
in a single summer (1665), and by the great fire, which laid two thirds of 
the city in ashes (1666). He viewed the home and family as the first 
and best place to begin the improvement of the community. To assist in 
establishing homes upon the gospel, he wrote his book for humble house- 
holds, and his exposition of the New Testament, already named, for 
family devotion. He says, " The religious life, the welfare and renown 
of the church and of the state, rest chiefly on home discipline and the 
fulfilling of home obligations. If we neglect these, we let everything go. 
If you desire the improvement and welfare of your nation, do all in 
your power to promote the religious life of the household." 

Thus untiringly Baxter toiled on for the kingdom of God till his 
death. On his death-bed he showed to his friends the be- Approach to the 
liever from whose spirit flowed living water. " Ye come " saint ' 8 rest " 
hither," he said at one time, " to learn to die. I assure you that your 


whole life, however long it be, can scarce suffice as a preparation for 
dying. Make God your portion, heaven your home, God's honor your 
aim, his Word your guide, and then you will have nothing to fear." His 
oft-recurring prayer was, " God be merciful to me a sinner." Once, 
waking from sleep, he exclaimed, " I shall rest from my labors ! " When 
one added, " And your works will follow you," he rejoined, " Naught 
of works ! " He made confession, " My entire hope reposes on the 
grace of God in Christ." When, in his sorest pain, he had asked God for 
deliverance through death, he added humbly, " Yet it becomes not me to 
prescribe to Thee the when, the what, or the how." In his many suffer- 
ings he could joyfully testify, " I suffer pain, yet I have peace." His 
last words were his exclamation to a faithful friend by his bedside, " The 
Lord teach thee how to die ! " At the advanced age of seventy-seven he 
expired, December 8, 1691. His joyful death accorded with his confes- 
sion in his last will : " I, an unworthy servant of Jesus Christ, commit 
my spirit with confidence and hope of the bliss of heaven into the hands 
of Jesus, my glorious Redeemer and Mediator, and through his inter- 
cession into the hands of God, my reconciled Father, the infinite spirit 
who is light, life, and love." — D. E. 


A. D. 1703-A. D. 1791. METHODIST, — ENGLAND. 

John Wesley, founder of the Methodist denomination, is one of the 
most blessed and renowned preachers of the church of Christ since the 
Reformation. He is among the very foremost of the great and influential 
spirits of the eighteenth century. To him it was granted, by God's favor, 
to arouse the English church, when it was ruined by a frigid deism which 
lost sight of Christ the Redeemer, and was almost dead, to a renewed Chris- 
tian life. By preaching the justifying and renewing of the soul through 
belief upon Christ, he lifted many thousands of the humbler classes of 
the English people from their exceeding ignorance and evil habits, and 
made them earnest, faithful Christians. His untiring effort made itself 
felt not in England alone, but in America and in continental Europe. 
Not only the germs of almost all the existing zeal in England on behalf 
of Christian truth and life are due to Methodism, but the activity stirred 
up in other portions of Protestant Europe we must trace indirectly, at 
least, to Wesley. This furnishes reason enough for an effort to portray 
the man more vividly than he has yet been represented to the majority 
of Christians. 

John Wesley was born June 17, 1703, at Epworth, in the county of 
Lincoln, in North England. His father, Samuel Wesley, was the rec- 


tor or head pastor of the village, and was a learned and venerable cler- 
gyman of the English established church. His mother, Wesley - s father 
too, was a woman of ardent piety and of culture. She and mother, 
maintained with her son, when he went to the university, an intimate 
correspondence in reference to questions of religion. John Wesley en- 
tered Oxford University when seventeen years old (1720), and became a 
member of Christ Church College. When twenty-two (1725) he was 
ordained a deacon ; when twenty-five (1728) a priest or presbyter, which 
is the second of the clerical degrees of the church of England. He had 
before this (1726) become a fellow of Lincoln College, that is, a senior 
member of that corporation of students, with a right to a free dwell- 
ing and a free table. At the same time he was a teacher of Greek. 
Both in this and in the study of other ancient languages he distinguished 
himself. His talents and acquirements were subjects of universal re- 
mark in the university. Afterwards (1729), he served as tutor, or 
trainer of the students. He had, in the mean while, lent assistance to his 
father in the performance of his duties as a minister. 

While Wesley was yet a student he had, under the impulse of the let- 
ters of his mother, inclined to a thoughtful course of life. This tendency 
was increased by his perusal of devotional books, especially the writings 
of Thomas a Kempis, of Jeremy Taylor, and of Law. His efforts in 
religion were, however, of an ascetic kind. He strove to keep the law 
by crucifying himself. He looked at belief upon Christ simply as one of 
the commandments. His brother, Charles Wesley, five years younger 
than he, and later than he in coming to Oxford, while a young man of 
correct habits, for a long time repelled his brother's admonitions to a se- 
rious course of life. He was of a more lively disposition. But he, too, 
underwent a change when about twenty-one (1729). He devoted himself 
to reading and study, became concerned about his soul, went every Sun- 
day to the communion, and joined several other students with him in a 
similar way of living. Some one who noticed this gave Charles Wes- 
ley, by way of ridicule, the name of Methodist. He in- The name of 
tended, it would seem, an allusion to a religious sect of the Mctllodist - 
preceding century, which had received this name on account of its pe- 
culiarities, but had endured only a short time. Our students in Oxford 
University did not quarrel with the name. Upon the return of John 
Wesley to Oxford, in 1729, he too entered the club, and by his more 
mature and controlling mind grew to be its leading spirit. They ex- 
tended their efforts to persons outside their number, especially to the 
imprisoned, the poor, and the sick. At a later day, George Whitefield 
was one of their company. This loyal-hearted, thoroughly earnest liv- 
ing together and laboring together continued until 1735. The young 
men had to endure many evil reports. The Wesley brothers were com- 
pensated, however, by the approval which their father, after due inquiry, 
bestowed upon them. 


Samuel Wesley died in 1735. This same year the brothers (Charles 
having also received ordination) set out for Georgia, in North America. 
They had been invited to go thither to care for the religious wants of the 
colonists, and for the christianization of the Indians. Upon their pas- 
sage they fell into the company of several Moravian brethren, members 
of the association recently renewed by the labors of count Zinzendorf. 
With them were their wives and children. It was noted by John Wesley 
in his diary that, in a great tempest, when the English people on board 
lost all self-possession, these Germans impressed him by their composure 
and entire resignation to God. He also marked their humility under 
shameful treatment. Wesley preached and labored in Georgia with dil- 
igence. His efforts were too much directed to attaining perfection by 
the law, and hence failed of effect. By the beginning of 1738 he was 
back in London. He gave himself to reading the works of the mystics, 
but without attaining peace. His spirit sought for greater clearness 
of vision and for more strength. He was obliged to pass through the 
most serious mental conflicts. He met at this time, by the grace of God, 
the Moravian brother, Peter Bohler. By his words the struggling, in- 
quiring spirit was turned to the righteousness which is obtained without 
price from the divine favor through belief upon Jesus. This truth laid 
Wesley attains no ^ U P 0U Wesley's soul, and never again left it. Wesley 
religious rest. thought that he knew the day and the hour in which he 
obtained the assurance of the forgiveness of his sins. Upon May 24, 
1738. he entered a religious meeting in which he heard read Luther's 
introduction to the Epistle to the Romans. " Then," says Wesley, " as 
the change was described which is wrought upon the heart by God 
through faith in Christ, I felt my own heart peculiarly warmed. I felt 
that I relied upon Christ alone for salvation. There was given me the 
assurance that He had taken away my sins, even mine, and had saved 
me from the law of sin and death." Thus in his thirty-fifth year Wesley 
placed himself upon the foundation of the Holy Scripture, of Paul, and 
of the whole reformed church. He never forsook it clown to the day 
when, after fifty-three more long years had been given him, he ended his 
earthly life. He unfolded, however, in accordance with his own clear, 
strong intellect, the doctrine which he embraced as a believing Christian. 
He declared it with blessed result to many thousands whom the Lord 
brought to him as hearers and inquirers. Of this work in its essentials let 
us speak farther. 

After Wesley had passed through the great mental experience of his 
Wesley in Ger- ^ e > ne wenfc over to Germany, to study more closely the 
man y- denomination whose members had exerted upon him so 

blessed an influence. He visited count Zinzendorf in Marienbrunn, and 
went also to Herrnhut. Assisted in mind by what he saw and heard, he 
came back to London (September, 1738). Here he continued for some 


time his intercourse with the Moravian Brethren. He thought, however, 
that he noticed in several of their utterances a degree of Antinomian- 
isrn, or of a disposition to slight God's law by reason of God's grace. 
For this reason he dissolved his connection with these English Herrn- 
huters. Nothing was more opposed to Wesley's way of thinking than 
men's considering themselves absolved from keeping the law, when they 
have accepted an unconditional election from God. Wesley found an 
evidence of God's free forgiveness in this, that his children are filled 
with a warm desire, out of gratitude and a true love to Him, to observe 
his commands, and to persevere in them unto the end. This principle of 
his is the main mark of distinction between Wesley and those holding 
the Herrnhuter or the extreme Lutheran position. Wesley thought that 
he saw Antinomian elements in some of Luther's writings. He es- 
pecially disliked the assaults upon the law, upon human reason, and upon 
good works in Luther's commentary upon Galatians. 

The two Wesleys, and with them Whitefield, the most gifted of all 
their friends, besjan now to preach in the churches of Lon- ^ ., „ .,, . 

° l Whitefield and 

don and of other cities the gospel as a proclamation of free the Wesleys. 
forgiveness to sinners, and with it repentance and belief upon Jesus. 
Their preaching met approval and also opposition, the latter especially 
from the majority of the clergy, from the cultivated people, and from 
the lower classes. The clergy of the established church and the most 
devoted church people among the laity were then for the most part op- 
pressed by a deadly formalism. The Christian doctrine had become 
to them a church tradition. Faith was regarded even by the bishops as 
a " work," or as one of the Christian virtues. In the world of culture 
there prevailed a deism, proud of its conscious rectitude, or else vain 
and frivolous. The masses were a prey to increasing barbarism, god- 
lessness, and delusion. Among the dissenting Christians there was more 
seriousness. Yet Socinianism by denying the divinity of Christ, and Pe- 
lagianism by rejecting man's natural sinfulness, had weakened their faith, 
also. Wesley's sermons stirred up a ferment. Soon all the pulpits 
in London were closed to him. He found himself limited to private 
dwellings and to jails. Wesley, as a preacher, had the greatest com- 
posure of mind and most polished eloquence. It was not, therefore, his 
sensational manner, or his style of expressing his thoughts, ogedb 
that stirred the English bishops and other clergy to prohibit lish bishops, 
his preaching. It was the substance of his preaching, the story of the 
cross, of reconciliation by Jesus' blood, of faith in Christ,' of a forgive- 
ness that must be personally experienced. For these were the especial 
subjects of Wesley's sermons. He declared persistently that he was 
thoroughly true to the confession of the Church of England, that he be- 
lieved and taught with the church as to God, the person of Christ, and 
the Holy Spirit; yet he insisted that justifying and saving faith is not the 


reception of the doctrine, but is an experience in the life, — a new life, 
created in us by God. By this life the heart is turned to holiness, love, 
and unlimited trust in God. " He," every one should be able to say for 
himself, " for the sake of Christ receives me as his child, and gives me a 
new heart, which purposes forever after lovingly to observe his com- 
mandments." The earlier preachers, even in the church of Germany, 
handled the truth of justification through faith too much as a mere doc- 
trine or notion. Methodism took it up as a practical principle, which 
lies at the foundation of moral and religious living. The unfolding of 
it as a doctrinal proposition, logically and scripturally, was not its special 
mission. Many have unjustly set forth as the peculiarity of Methodist 
preaching that it requires an instantaneous conversion to be perceived 
in the heart and in the experience. Such it does not . demand, but it 
does declare that, in some circumstances, conversion comes from God in 
this manner. This must be asserted, since God's Spirit works in one 
way as freely as in another, and since a sudden and powerful work of 
grace must often occur as a necessity in the passing of untaught yet 
noble spirits out of darkness into light, out of sin into righteousness. 
Examples of the same are given in the Bible. 

Whitefield was the first Methodist to preach in the open air. He did 
Open-air preach- so m Bristol. Wesley followed his example. The results 
in g- in that city, and in hundreds of other places, were amaz- 

ing. The people by thousands thronged about the preachers. Their 
mighty singing was heard for miles around. The sound came as a mes- 
sage of heaven to the lower classes, neglected as they were by the too 
reserved mother church. Unmistakable marks of conversion in heart and 
in life were given in persons of all classes, even in those whose wicked- 
ness was notorious, as, for instance, the colliers of Cornwall and Kings- 
wood. Remarkable mental and physical manifestations occurred at times, 
convulsive trembling, weeping, or laughing preceding the more calm re- 
ception of the Word. Wesley has narrated these occurrences, but has 
made them matters neither of praise nor of importance. The successes 
won by Methodist preaching had to be gained through a long series of 
years, and amid the most bitter persecutions. In nearly every part of 
England it was met at the first by the mob with stonings and peltings, 
with attempts at wounding and slaying. Only at times was there any 
interference on the part of the civil power. The two Wesleys faced all 
these dangers with amazing courage, and with a calmness equally aston- 
ishing. Charles Wesley displayed an unfaltering readiness to endure 
shame for the sake of Christ, thus proving himself to be worthy accord- 
ing to the apostolic standard. What was more irritating to the mind 
was the heaping up of slander and abuse by the writers of the day. The 
minds of the evangelists were not affected, though a flood of romances 
poured forth (such as were popular at the time), full of ridicule of the 

Cent. XVH.-XIX.] JOHN WESLEY. 521 

people who were looking for a great work of grace in their souls. These 
books are now all forgotten. The literature of England, in a large part, 
has, through the influence of this same Methodism, acquired a religious 
character, which recognizes the gospel and the need of God's grace. 

There occurred, unfortunately, a separation, in 1741, between Wesley 
and Whitefield. The latter inclined, and that very decid- Wesley and Cal . 
edly, to the strictest Calvinistic views upon election. For Timsm - 
a long time he looked upon Wesley as preaching another gospel than 
his. Wesley, with the independence and plainness peculiar to him, solved 
the question as to conditioned or unconditioned election, which in a meas- 
ure was let alone by the Church of England, by teaching a real implant- 
ing of faith by God, and yet a resistance on the part of man. He stood 
unalterable in this Arminian view, as practical and scriptural. In it he 
approached Lutheranism. But there was no personal feeling in his part- 
ing from Whitefield. In 1754, the two again preached each for the 
other. They maintained their private intimacy, and in 1770 Wesley 
preached the funeral discourse of his friend. Whitefield's efforts did not 
equal Wesley's in outward results. He founded no denomination. At 
a later period (1770), there arose a warm contest out of the opposition 
of Wesleyan Arminianism to strict Calvinism. The excellent Fletcher, 
a clergyman of the English church, supported the views of Wesley in 
his solid volumes. 

Wesley now found himself driven more and more to the organizing 
of churches. A base of operations had been given the Wesley oro . an . 
labors of himself and his associates by the erection, in 1740, izes classes - 
of a chapel at Moorfields, near London. His adherents in the populous 
cities and districts of England wanted instruction in God's Word and 
pastoral care. They were led to this the more in that the majority of the 
clergy of the Anglican church ceased to regard those as their parishioners 
who frequented Methodist services. Wesley was therefore compelled to 
establish societies in many places. The members of these not only ob- 
served public worship, but organized themselves into small " classes," for 
the sake of maintaining Christian discipline among themselves, of con- 
ferring together, of making religious confessions, and giving brotherly 
admonitions. This was the chief peculiarity and novelty in Methodism 
in its relation to the individual Christian life. It depended not so much 
upon the clergy as upon mutual care, exhortation, correction, and con- 
solation. Thus was provided a great meaus of help for the moral needs 
of the lower classes, and a mode of exercising general Christian fellow- 
ship by all church members. Wesley gave these societies directions for 
Christian living, and rules of conduct, which were to be voluntarily sub- 
scribed by every member. Every one of the classes was given a leader. 
Here lies the secret of Methodism holding together. It is not to be 
found in any outside aim or attraction. It may be true that in the use 


of experience meetings at a later day, in England and in America, serious 
abuses existed. But neither Wesley nor his plans for his denomination 
deserve the blame for this. 

Wesley received severe and unkind treatment at the hands of the 
Wesley and the leaders of the established church. He was not indeed cast 
Episcopalians. ou ^ Du t i ie an( j hi s doings were disowned. He was obliged 
then to take up a position in opposition to the Episcopalian body. In 
his way of doing this he showed both wisdom and piety. He avoided 
carefully a formal separation. He appointed hours for public worship 
different from the hours of the services of the Anglican pastors. He 
advised his people to attend the parish churches. Only when the clergy 
were irreligious, erroneous, and spiteful were the hours of his meetings 
placed at the hours of the Episcopalian worship. After a time the com- 
munion was administered by the Wesley brothers. The traveling preach- 
ers, chosen at a later period from among the laity, were indeed ordained, 
but not with the laying on of hands, that respect might be paid to this 
as a right pertaining to the bishops. This arose from no superstition as 
to the exclusive power of bishops to ordain lawfully and effectively. 
Wesley asserted often that in the days of the Apostles elders and bish- 
ops were the same. He also ordained by the laying on of hands those 
who were to labor in Scotland and in America, since those countries had 
no bishops appointed by law. Wesley regarded the Episcopal constitu- 
tion of the English church a matter of political growth and expediency, 
and not of divine authority. While this completely explains the opposi- 
tion to him on the part of a portion of the English clergy even till this 
day, it makes Methodism only the more adapted to become the means of 
a reconciliation between the established English church and the dis- 

Wesley was untiring in his efforts to disseminate useful knowledge 

ie ' s liter- throughout his denomination. He especially thought of the 
ary work. mental culture of his traveling preachers and local exhort- 

ers, and of schools of instruction for the future teachers of the church. 
He himself prepared books for popular use upon universal history, 
church history, and natural history. In this Wesley was an apostle 
of the modern union of mental culture with Christian living. He cir- 
culated Christian tracts and various sheets intended to promote religious 
awakening. He published also the best matured of his sermons and 
various theological works. These, both by their depth and their penetra- 
tion of thought, and by their purity and precision of style, excite our 
amazement. This is especially true of his writings upon original sin 
and upon election, his edition of the New Testament with notes, and 
his " Addresses to the People upon Religion and Reason," in which he 
makes a powerful defense of Christianity. 

The entire management of his ever-growing denomination rested upon 


Wesley himself. So also did the advising, the arranging, the compos- 
ing of difficulties, the disciplining of preachers, of exhort- Wesley aa a 
ers, and of the visitors of the sick throughout the country. ru)er - 
The annual conference, established in 1744, acquired a governing power 
only after the death of Wesley. His brother fell behind him as behind 
one fitted to rule. Charles Wesley, however, rendered the society a serv- 
ice incalculably great by his hymns. They are the really poetical out- 
pourings of an evangelical experience of forgiveness and Christian life. 
They introduced a new era in the hymuology of the English church. 
John Wesley apportioned his days to his work in leading the church, 
to studying (for he was an incessant reader), to traveling, and to preach- 
ing. His traveling was in order to preach. What he accomplished with 
his frame, which was hardly ever ill, borders upon the incredible. Upon 
entering his eighty-fifth year he thanks God for this, that he is still al- 
most as vigorous as ever. He ascribes it, under God, to the fact that he 
had always slept soundly, had risen for sixty years at four o'clock in the 
morning, and for fifty years had jjreached every morning at five. Sel- 
dom in all his life did he feel any pain, care, or anxiety. He preached 
twice each day, and often thrice or four times. It has been estimated 
that he traveled every year forty-five hundred English miles, mostly 
upon horseback. Ireland and Scotland he visited each several times, 
and Holland twice. He ever kept his mind open and attentive to the 
beauties of nature and to objects of local interest, as is shown by many 
spirited allusions in his diary. 

Wesley never enjoyed the blessedness of home life. Here, perhaps, is 
the only thing, or almost the only thing, that can be said wesieyasahus- 
against his life, which has been so publicly known. He mar- band - 
ried, in 1751, a widow, one Mrs. Vizelle. Although it was definitely ar- 
ranged that Wesley was not to be obliged to change his mode of life on 
account of his marriage, his wife could not endure his frequent absences. 
She was disturbed by jealousy. She suffered herself to proceed to slan- 
ders of her husband, and to the forging of letters respecting him. Many 
times she abandoned him. He was able, however, to win her back. At 
last she left him, and Wesley gave her up, but without seeking a separa- 
tion from her by law. Iu this part of Wesley's life we find one serious 
mistake committed by a man otherwise so illustrious. 

The older brother, John, saw Charles descend to the grave earlier than 
himself. The venerable poet, who had been the happy father charles Lesley's 
of a family, died in 1788, at the age of seventy-nine. John death - 
Wesley lived to see his denomination extending near and far in Great Brit- 
ain and in America ; the persecutions waged against him changing over 
a large portion of the country to respect and admiration ; his association 
accorded civil recognition and the rights of a corporation by a decree of 
the court of royal chancery ; and to observe public thought in his nation 


in many ways revolutionized in favor of Christianity. Then the old man, 
serenely strong in the faith, crowned with God's favor, and full of good 
works, heard his summons home. 

On the 17th of February, 1791, Wesley fell ill. He nevertheless 
Wesley's last preached the day following upon the words, " The king's 
days - business required haste " (1 Samuel xxi. 8) ; and also upon 

the day after. Upon February 23d, he preached for the last time, upon 
" Seek ye the Lord while He may be found, call ye upon Him while He 
is near" (Isaiah lv. 6). He grew weaker rapidly. Awakening out of 
sleep, he continually sang stanzas of hymns. He said over and over, " I 
am the chief of sinners, but Jesus died for me." There was repeated to 
him, at his request, the text of one of his last sermons : " For ye know 
the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, that, though He was rich, yet for your 
sakes He became poor, that ye through his poverty might be rich " (2 
Corinthians viii. 9). He responded, saying, "That is the foundation, the 
only foundation, than which there is none other laid." Once more he 
said, " The best of all is, that God is with us." Frequent prayers were 
offered in his presence and for him, to which he often responded with 
his " Amen." His last words were spoken to a friend : " Fare you well." 
He died without a struggle March 2, 1791, shortly before noon, in the 
eighty-eighth year of his age. Upon the 9th of March he was solemnly 
interred, in the presence of many ministers of the Word, and amid the 
tears of a great multitude. A tablet to his memory, with a significant 
inscription, may be found in the City Road Chapel in London. 

When Wesley died, his denomination in Europe, America, and the 
West Indies numbered eighty thousand members. Fifty years later there 
were in Great Britain and the colonies over three hundred thousand 
communicants, besides half a million in the United Sates. 

John Wesley was of but ordinary stature, and yet of noble presence. 
His features were very handsome even in old age. He had an open 
brow, an eagle nose, a clear eye, and a fresh complexion. His manners 
were fine, and in choice company with Christian people he enjoyed relax- 
ation. He was fond at such times of talking, and would conclude the 
evening with prayer and singing. Persistent, laborious love for men's 
souls, steadfastness, and tranquillity of spirit were his most prominent 
traits of character. Even in doctrinal controversies he exhibited the 
greatest calmness. The opposition of subordinates to his management 
of affairs sometimes called forth from him expressions of displeasure, 
but he was easily appeased. He was kind and very liberal. His indus- 
try has been named already. In the last fifty-two years of his life, it is 
estimated, he preached more than forty thousand sermons. 

There are probably only two men of the eighteenth century who can 
be likened to this great and richly favored servant of God. These two 
are Zinzeudorf and Oberlin. Zinzendorf may be compared with Wesley 


in that he founded a new Christian society, distinguished by a pure doc- 
trine and discipline. But Zinzendorf did this upon the 
foundation of an old denomination. Wesley, on the other two men of his 
hand, raised up an entirely new body. Zinzendorf exerted 
influence upon the heart of a society for its revival, especially in a few 
foundation truths ; "Wesley upon whole throngs of neglected people for 
their moral transformation. Zinzendorf was genial, original, poetical, 
but also peculiar. Wesley was more human, more distinct in his the- 
ology, and more effective in his labors. John Oberlin made of a perish- 
ing people a Christian family, but it was only the population of a little 
valley in the Vosges Mountains. Wesley brought sinners to repentance 
throughout three kingdoms and over two hemispheres. Oberlin applied 
the Christian religion thoughtfully to the affairs of every-day life. Wes- 
ley preached God's grace as a general principle, begetting obedience, 
and opening a fountain of peace to mankind. Oberlin was the shepherd, 
father, and chief of a parish. Wesley was the bishop of such a diocese 
as neither the Eastern nor the Western church ever witnessed before. 
What is there in the circle of Christian effort — foreign missions, home 
missions, Christian tracts and literature, field preaching, circuit preach- 
ing, Bible readings, or aught else that may be named — which was not 
attempted by John Wesley, which was not grasped by his mighty mind 
through the aid of his Divine Leader ? — K. H. S. 


A. D. 1759-A. D. 1833. EPISCOPALIAN, ENGLAND. 

Among the greatest names of modern days is that of Wilberforce. 
In all the relations of life he was a man approved of God. In him 
Christianity appears as flesh and blood. His purifying, every way vivi- 
fying, and world-subduing efforts have been made a blessing to millions 
of mankind. 

William Wilberforce was born August 24, 1759, at Hull, in England, 
the only son of a wealthy merchant. The boy, left fatherless at nine 
years of age, proved of frail body, but of a powerful mind and affec- 
tionate heart. In the home of Christian relatives he received deep im- 
pression from the Word of God and the love of the Master. The mother, 
disliking the religious influence of this home, called him back to Hull, 
and tried by social amusements to cure of his new views the youth who 
was so admirably suited to shine in society. This attempted cure may 
not have been in itself a desirable thing ; yet it was of use to Wil- 
berforce in so far that it preserved him from falling into sectarian nar- 
rowness, and kept him within a church in which he was to do so much 


afterwards for the benefit of his people and of humanity. Meantime, 
the circle of his earnestly Christian relatives impressed upon him a se- 
riousness of thought by which the usual temptations of youth were 
Early essay on ^ ar g e ^y deprived of their power. A prophecy of what his 
the siaye-trade. jjf e was ^ De seemed to be given when Wilberforce, at 
fifteen years of age, sent to the publisher of a journal an essay upon the 
horrible slave-trade. 

At seventeen the youth went to Cambridge University, well prepared, 
both mentally and physically, and especially gifted in conversation and 
oratory, which were to be the instruments of his later achievements. 
He soon repelled the bad from his society. His vivacity, his winsome- 
ness, and his large fortune made him the centre of a large circle, which 
did not indeed lead him into riotous living, but, as he lamented after- 
wards, kept him from diligent study and carefully planned effort. A 
proof of his conscientiousness is that when he left the university he 
preferred to forego its honors rather than to subscribe carelessly the 
articles of the church creed, with which his convictions did not then 
fully agree. 

Having decided to enter into public life, he presented himself at his 
father's home as a candidate for Parliament. At two and twenty Wil- 
berforce carried the election, and soon took a prominent place both as 
an orator in the House of Commons and as a man of society. He was 
joined with Pitt, the great statesman and minister, in close friendship ; 
other worthy men were attracted to him, and the public prints were full 
of his praise. After a dissolution of Parliament, he was elected over 
very wealthy and powerful opponents to represent Yorkshire, the largest 
county in England. Thus quickly he rose to the summit of fortune. 
What temptations offered themselves to the ambition of a young man 
such as Wilberforce ! But the spirit which was to be an agent of God 
had been endowed by Him with a great degree of self-control. Wilber- 
force joined with forty members of the House of Commons in a pledge 
never to take from the government an appointment, a pension, or a title 
of nobility. Of the forty, he and one friend of his were all who kept 
their vow to remain through life independent. He was content to re- 
main always William Wilberforce. 

But no ! He was not to be content with the name which he had. An- 
other name had been appointed him of God. To be inde- 
more c e onse C - ame pendent, to be free as regards man, is a great thing ; but only 
crated. ^ e j g ^, ee w j 10m fae Son makes free ; only a servant of God 

will escape being man's servant. Only God's freedman will be able to 
lead his brothers to freedom. To this mission Wilberforce was sum- 
moned. God therefore gave an inner call and secret seal to the man 
praised in social and political circles. He led him from the throng of 
the great city to a lonely country life for self-contemplation and for self- 


improvement. Wilberforce did not turn his back upon God. He per- 
suaded his friend Pitt, when visiting him, to go upon Sunday to the 
house of God. Making a journey to Italy (1784), he preferred as travel- 
ing companion a Christian, yet one who could pass as a man of society, 
and was not extreme in his views. In the comrade chosen God gave 
Wilberforce, even against his knowledge and wish, an Ananias (Acts ix. 
10). By conversation with him, and by reading with him Doddridge's 
" Rise and Progress of Religion," Wilberforce was constrained to do like 
them of Berea (Acts xvii. 11). To search rightly whether these things 
were so, he read upon another journey the New Testament in the orig- 
inal. He became more thoughtful ; his naturally truth-loving mind was 
impressed by Christian truth ; his conscience told him that he, amid the 
pleasures of earth, was not living as a Christian, was neglecting the in- 
terests of his soul, and that it would be a fearful thing, departing from 
such a life, to fall into the hands of the living God. He began to pray. 
He became sensible of the profound sinfulness of the human heart ; he 
lamented his ingratitude, and his unjust stewardship of the gifts of God. 
It was a life-and-death struggle with him. He read the Bible with 
growing zeal; also other Christian books. He attended church regularly; 
he began family worship. Careful self-examination showed him directly 
that there was danger not only of natural pride, but also of spiritual. 
His friends could not understand how a man of such a spotless manner 
of life could accuse himself of sinfulness. Some thought that he would 
withdraw wholly from society ; others that social life would soon cure his 
seriousness ; still a third set heaped their mockeries upon his "canting." 

Wilberforce, however, stood faithful to Him who called him, faithful to 
the church, and faithful to his office of working in the world and upon 
the world, yet as one who is not of the world. While he unbosomed 
himself most freely to his Christian friends, he did not shun society. He 
found his chief source of knowledge in God's Word. He none the less 
devoured the secular information necessary for his worldly position. 
Devoting himself to his utmost ability to public life, he at the same time 
sought to promote the spiritual interests of his fellows. John Wesley 
was at that time awakening the lower classes of England. Wilberforce, 
coming from the shadow of death into the light, was to be an agent of a 
like work with the higher classes, among whom his life was cast. Armed 
with truth, he lovingly opposed in social intercourse falsehood and the 
profanation of holy things. He succeeded (1787) in found- Founds a reform 
ing an association to oppose the spread of immorality, and sooiet y- 
in securing a royal summons to the chief landed proprietors to execute 
the law against the desecration of the day of rest, against drunkenness, 
and against immoral publications. All the bishops of England and all 
the members of the upper and lower houses joined his society. This 
blessed enterprise was a beginning of the association work which is still 


found in England aiding the kingdom of God. At a later day (1803), 
Wilberforce exerted himself to aid the foundation of the great British 
Bible Society. All missionary societies found in him an influential ad- 
vocate with the government. He expended his efforts for ten years, 
until at last consent was won to the sending of missionaries and teachers 
to India. A faithful friend of the poor, he contributed freely to the re- 
lief of distress. Mindful of the word of his Saviour, he took pleasure 
in helping in person the prisoners in the jails and the sick in the hospitals. 
He took time for this; in spite of the tremendous burden of duties which 
came upon him as the representative of the largest English county, in 
spite of the varied demands of his constituents, because he was a Chris- 
tian. Nor was the coming generation out of his mind. He cared with 
liberal hand for day-schools and Sunday-schools. He was associated in 
this especially with the large-hearted author, Hannah More. She wrote 
of him, " The life of this young man is the most extraordinary among 
all known to me, possessed as it is of talents, tact, and piety." At the 
time she was writing thus, he was noting in his diary, " My heart is, 
above all, encompassed by evil." Partly for his own upbuilding, partly 
for the good of his associates in rank, he turned to efforts with the pen. 
For almost eight years he labored in the few leisure hours which were 
allowed him by his arduous position, and by his residence each year in 
Bath, upon a book in which he would show to the world of 

W ilbprfoTcc's 

" Practical the wealthy and distinguished the difference between the 

almost Christan and the entire Christian. It was published 
in 1797, under the title, " A Practical View of the Prevailing Religious 
Conceptions of the Higher and Middle Classes of our Land, as compared 
with True Christianity." It spoke of sin and of grace, of the founda- 
tions of Christian doctrine, of faith which works by love, and of a whole- 
hearted service of the Lord. His friends advised him against printing it. 
Hardly was a publisher to be found. But the book was " spirit and life." 
It was the fruit of the thorough experience of one who was resolved " to 
live believingly by the help of the Holy Spirit, to go forward zealously, 
thoughtfully, and humbly, only trying to honor God and to do good to 
his fellow-men." In a few days the first edition of the book was ex- 
hausted, in six months five editions were taken, afterward fifteen. It was 
translated into all the languages of European Christendom, and went to 
North America and to the Indies. Men in the highest classes were 
through it led to Christianity ; scholars and clergymen owned the bless- 
ing brought to them by this book of a layman ; the great statesman 
Burke, in his dying hour, sent his thanks to Wilberforce for its publica- 
tion. This success encouraged him and a few friends to further effort 
for their country by the publication of a periodical, " The Christian Ob- 
server " (1801). 

Everything which Wilberforce was, or was doing, came to pass amid 


a social and political whirlpool. The times were beset by wars and by 
distresses. Amid the threatening occurrences of the period he con- 
tracted his marriage with Barbara Anna Spooner (1797), „. , 

s . . His home life. 

with whom he lived in most happy union. His exceed- 
ingly hospitable home was one of his means of carrying on his work. 
Purposing to serve his Master in this way, he lived in a great degree of 
publicity in his own home, as a light placed upon a candlestick, or a city 
set upon a hill. With the throng of his guests, this view of a Christian 
home was one of the best ways to prepossess them in favor of religion, 
and to incite them to follow his example. Strangers, as well as his own 
children, could learn in his house how a man could have his citizenship 
in heaven without foregoing human society, and how cheerful a man 
may be in his life without endangering his Christianity. 

Wilberforce, indeed, found how boundless is the temptation presented 
in a life so public. He therefore daily sought his closet, and at times 
a life of seclusion, to commune with his conscience and his God. He 
thus kept down rising ambition and other evil desires, nourishing and de- 
fending his soul by the Word, the sacrament, and prayer. His diaries 
witness his inner conflicts and victories, without which he had proven 
worse than useless in the public conflicts in the Parliament. While in 
general men who are subject to no parties are displeasing to every party, 
Wilberforce seemed to almost all parties as a spokesman for God, an in- 
corruptible friend of truth, and an acknowledged umpire. When he 
spoke respecting any subject or any individual, it was the voice of the 
public conscience. But without his daily penitent prayer and renewal of 
heart he had not been equal to maintaining this mighty, heroic cham- 
pionship of philanthropy. For a life-time he persevered in it unmoved, 
unwearied, and in the end victorious. Such divine strength in a divine 
cause is given only to him who has wrestled with God and been subdued 
by Him. 

The contest against the shameful slave-trade presents an amazing spec- 
tacle. It is a genuine spiritual battle ; in it Satan and, at his 

n n i pi ii The battle 

call, all the powers of hell, covetousness, greed, hardhearted- against the 
ness, calumny, slander, and hatred, even to murder, were war- 
ring for their prey ; while the good spirits and Wilberforce contended for 
more than twenty years in demonstration of the Spirit and in the power 
of devotion and self-sacrifice, with tongue and with pen, with defeat ten 
times over, with rallying ten times repeated in greater strength than 
ever, until the victory was won. King and court, princes and ministers, 
friends and foes of political liberty, now the House of Commons, now the 
House of Lords, again both houses together, mammon at home, and the 
throng of slave-merchants and slave-owners abroad rose up against him. 
But God was with him, and he was with God ; he could not but prevail. 
We have named already the enthusiasm of Wilberforce when fifteen 


years old for the cause of the slave. When twerity-eight the full-grown 
man, renewed in the image of his Creator, came to see in his black fel- 
low-men the image of God, lying in shame and bondage, sighing for the 
glorious freedom of the sons of God. He took it as his life-work to pro- 
cure for them their rights before man and God. Four years he studied 
all the relations and circumstances of negro slave-trading. He then, in 
union with other noble spirits, made the first effort on the side of the 
slave with the administration, which was well disposed towards him. He 
soon obtained a mitigation of the sufferings of the slaves sold into bond- 
age. At once the foe was excited. Doubly prepared by effort and 
prayer, Wilberforce presented the great question (May 12, 1789) in the 
House of Commons in a masterly oration of four and a half hours. The 
better people all declared the slave-trade a shame to the nation, and its 
More than seven abolition a necessity, and yet the motion of Wilberforce was 
times defeated, defeated. He pursued the foe through all his turnings and 
intrigues, bringing forward witnesses and evidence which required months 
for its procuring. His second attempt occurred April 18, 1791. Though 
receiving the support of the best men, it did not succeed. A. society was 
now formed to trade with Sierra Leone, in order to supply evidence that 
the negroes were susceptible of moral and spiritual improvement. The 
voice of the nation was aroused more and more to favor the cause of Wil- 
berforce. Relying upon this, he again presented his motion (April 2, 
1792) for the putting down of the slave-trade. A gradual abolition was 
now sought, extending to January 1, 1796. But the measure was not 
confirmed. Wilberforce reaped a new harvest of abuse, slander, and 
persecution, which even approached an attempt at murder. Not de- 
spairing and devoid of fear, Wilberforce again introduced his motion, 
February 26, 1793, but again in vain. Many now grew weary, but not 
Wilberforce. " As one who fears God," he felt himself obliged to war 
upon the ruinous business. In the years following he at one time carried 
the House of Commons, but not the House of Lords. He fell into dis- 
favor at court on account of his black proteges. Deeply affected, he 
could only say, " Lord, thy will be done ! " There came a voice to 
his soul, " The ruinous trade cannot outlive the eighteenth century." He 
pushed his motion again in 1795, but again failed. Sorrowing for his 
nation, he implored the House of Commons (February 19, 1796) not to 
^despise the long-suffering of Heaven. His words had effect. He carried 
the first and second readings, but on the third was defeated. Deeply 
pained by the intrigues of the foe, he fell seriously ill. They, however, 
who wait upon the Lord renew their strength, mount up with wings as 
eagles, run and are not weary, walk and do not faint. Wilberforce had 
wearied had he not advanced in his soul life. But amid his public de- 
feats he won in his closet " one victory after another." He and every 
• one who sided with him were to know that there was a righteous God in 


Zion. Growing, by his penitent faith, into a more mature and complete 
Christian, destined to do good and endure evil, on May 15, 1797, soon 
after his marriage, he presented his motion again, mindful of the slum- 
bering wrath of God. He was again outvoted, amid the scoffs and jeers 
of his opponents. The question came up anew April 3, 1798, when Pitt 
and Fox and Canning lent it the aid of their mighty eloquence. It was 
again decided adversely, although only by a majority of four voices. 
The next spring there was a new motion, a new admouition of the House 
against hard-heartedness, and a new defeat. The House of Lords would 
never agree even to the little which the Commons decreed for the benefit 
of the slave. Wilberforce was overthrown and deeply shaken in his 
spirit, but not in his sense of duty. He was able upon May 30, 1804, 
to renew his old motion, supporting it by new arguments, and now tri- 
umphed by one hundred and twenty-four votes against forty-nine. Joy 
overwhelmed his spirit. Congratulations poured in from At lasfc ^etai- 
all sides upon one who, to the very moment of his victory, ous - 
had been waging the greatest battle which a human being ever carried 
on. The well-tried victor did not, however, yet consider it the hour in 
which to sing songs of triumph. He wrote (1807) a new pamphlet upon 
the slave-trade, and distributed it among the peers of the Upper House, 
where the royal princes and some of the ministry were among his most 
stubborn opponents. The conflict came upon February 3d. The follow, 
ing morning, at five o'clock, the victory was won by one hundred votes 
against thirty-four. With fear and trembling AVilberforce betook him- 
self to God in that moment of the final decision. Upon February 23d 
he displayed the glory of his eloquence and the power of his argu- 
ment in the House, where a last division upon the question showed two 
hundred and eighty-three members for the abolition of the slave-trade 
against sixteen opposing it. A month later the law was finally approved 
by the Lords, and two weeks afterwards received the royal signature. 

Thus Wilberforce's great battle for humanity gained the victory, his 
chief task in life attained success. Humbly, as an unworthy instrument, 
he gave the thanks to God. With eminent wisdom he now devoted him- 
self to securing and making use of his splendid achievement. The Afri- 
can Society, his means for this, was prospered of God beyond his prayers 
or his knowledge. When the rulers who had conquered Napoleon visited 
London, they paid their respects to Wilberforce " as the most loved and 
respected person in all England." Wilberforce had lent large aid, with 
property and with voice, to the Germans who struggled to overthrow Na- 
poleon, and was an intimate friend of Bliicher. He now petitioned the 
czar Alexander to cooperate in embodying the abolition of the slave-trade 
in the treaty of peace. Thus untiringly Wilberforce did for his cause 
everything that was possible, both at home and abroad. 

All the efforts of Wilberforce for the perfect execution of the laws 


against the slave-trade were in vain. He felt himself, therefore, forced to 
take a step in advance, and to attempt slave emancipation. In 1823 he 
Attacks siayery published a pamphlet, which was widely circulated, in favor 
ltself - of transforming the slaves gradually into free peasants, and 

of giving them at once religious instruction, permission to marry, and facil- 
ities for earning their freedom. Upon the 16th of March, 1824, Wilber- 
force adjured the Parliament to labor for this high object promptly and 
constantly. Upon the 15th of June he spoke in the Commons for the last 
time. He had fulfilled his mission in life in the abolition of the slave- 
trade, and in opening the way to slave emancipation. He had before this 
been warned of the approach of old age, and had given up representing 
the largest English county, accepting instead a seat for a small borough, 
thus gaining more leisure to attend to his children and to his own soul. 
Oppressed by age and sickness, he finally withdrew from public life. He 
left Parliament in 1825, the first, by general consent, of its members in 
oratory, in spotless patriotism, in untiring advocacy of peace, morality, 
and religion, in care for the poor, in unselfish benefaction, in careful ar- 
Record as a bitration, and in mediation between man and man ; in a 
public man. word, the rare spirit who for forty-four years of toil in 
Parliament had taken no rank, no pay, and had won for his reward simply 
this, to be known as the greatest friend of humanity in all his generation. 
The warrior of sixty-six years, who had fought for the liberty of mill- 
ions, and had helped so largely the moral and religious improvement of 
his own nation, looked with modesty, and even with a reproving con- 
science, back upon his public life. He had, he said, made a poor use of 
his gifts, but he trusted that he had served a merciful Master, one who 
giveth liberally and upbraideth not. In calm serenity, honored by all par- 
ties, without show or pretension, severe only upon himself and his faults, 
anxious in everything to serve God, the beloved old man lived a retired 
life, looking gladly to another world. Yet his last years were not free 
from heavy trials. Hateful calumnies, death among his loved ones, and 
the loss of wealth through misfortune bowed him down. Friends would 
have made up the last, but Wilberforce believed that he ought to show 
that a Christian could live as happily without fortune as with it. The 
worst trial was that he could not continue his accustomed liberality. 
He sold his country-seat and his library, and lived with his sons. He 
came out of his retirement only once more, upon the occasion of a gath- 
ering of the friends of the slave in 1833. The solution of the problem 
was to be complete emancipation, which he advocated, with compensation 
to the slave-holder. This was his last address. The baths at Bath lost 
their power with him. He felt that the time was come for his conflict 
with the last enemy. His petition was for forgiveness and grace. He 
was of the number of the few chosen ones who have found deep peace 
here on earth. Upon a glorious summer day, July 26, 1833, he was car- 


ried in a chair out into the open air to rejoice his body and soul once 
more in the contemplation of the works of God, who had followed him 
with goodness and mercy his life long. A message was brought just then 
that the motion of his Mend Buxton for the abolition of slavery had 
passed through Parliament. "Thank God," cried Wilber- Dips in a time of 
force, " that I have been suffered to live to see this day vlctor y- 
when England is ready to sacrifice twenty millions of pounds stei'ling 
to emancipate her slaves ! " After this last bright gleam, he was greatly 
prostrated by a fit of apoplexy. A friend said to him, " But you have 
your foot upon the rock." " I dare not speak so confidently," replied he, 
" but I hope that I have it there." After this he sighed deeply and fell 
asleep, July 29, 1833, aged seventy-three years and eleven months. By 
act of Parliament his body was interred in Westminster Abbey. The 
members of the Houses of Peers and Commons followed his remains, 
the prince of Gloucester, the lord-chancellor, and the speaker of the Com- 
mons serving as pall-bearers. Public meetings were held in York and in 
Hull. The county of York builded in his honor an asylum for the blind. 
The city of his birth erected him a monument. In the West Indies and 
in New York the colored people put on mourning at the news of his 
decease. The memory of this just man will continue a blessing to all 
generations. His deeds as a Christian statesman, proceeding from the 
spirit and power of his Master, his heroic, Christ-like philanthropy, his 
benefactions to humanity, will endure to the end of time. — H. VM. 


A. D. 1780-A. D. 1845. FRIEND, — ENGLAND. 

In a noble old house in Norwich, England, was born, May 21, 1780, 
Elizabeth Gurney. One of a troop of glad children, she seemed, when 
compared with her six sisters, little favored. She was a weak, nervous, 
reserved child, inclined to be stubborn, and full of the spirit of contradic- 
tion, and was by her own people regarded as stupid. Her timorousness 
clouded for her the joys of childhood. Even her impressions of religion 
became gloomy, especially by her dwelling upon such stories as Abra- 
ham's offering up Isaac. Human misery, too, which she saw every 
day in a poor cripple, did not fail to produce its painful effects upon the 
anxious childish heart. To be assured that the life of this child would 
tend to the glory of God and the well-being of men was possible only 
to the heart of the mother. Even she never dreamed that this unat- 
tractive being would be a leader in benefaction to mankind. 

The loving atmosphere of her home, and the taste for natural beauty 
which was awakened by the thoughtful mother in her children at their 


country house, had an enlivening influence upon the reserved girl. The 
precious jewel of a heart strong in peace and joy not even her mother 
could give her daughter, for it must come from God only. The parents 
were lacking, too, in Christian knowledge, as was common in that day, 
when the death shadow of unbelief covered the earth. Otherwise, the 
child's heart might have been brought to repose in the love of the Sav- 
iour, who bade the little children come unto Him. After her mother's 
death, Elizabeth, then twelve years of age, was left by her busied, un- 
thinking father to herself and to a social circle in which she might at- 
tain to a high degree of culture, but hardly to the peace of God. Rather 
she was in danger of making shipwreck of her faith. 

She became very accomplished, learned in many arts and sciences, a 
skilled horsewoman, charming in song and in the home dance. Her 
slender, delicate form, her luxuriant light hair, and her sweet expression 
made her attractive. Dazzling as a butterfly, hovering above a bed of 
flowers, she was yet hungry in soul. She sought God in nature. The 
flowers faded, the summer fled, and amid all its witness of the eternal 
power and godhead nature failed to answer her soul seeking light and 
strength for the future. She was left sighing. She sought truth and 
virtue. But where should she find a protector for her soul, tossed amid 
the perilous billows of life ? She read the Bible, but where was the key 
to unlock its meaning ? It was a dark enigma. Everything was vanity 
and folly ; she doubted everything and despised herself. 

Her life-boat came from the other side of the Atlantic, when the 
is turned to a y ouri g Quaker preacher, William Savery, crossed from the 
better life. United States to England (1798). He visited Norwich, 

where his sermons kindled the young girl's heart, unhappy in its doubt 
and longing, with the ardor of a new love. She was for the first time 
full of the thought, God is. She began to understand the Bible; she was 
filled with a spirit of calm devotion. Her father, observing the change, 
sent her to London, to mingle in its excitements. "While delighted and 
instructed, she was not satisfied. She resolved the more thoroughly to 
put away worldly folly without forsaking either her duties or her inno- 
cent pleasures. Her gentle heart had never rejoiced in anything so 
much as in beneficence. She now, with redoubled zeal, devoted herself 
to loving efforts near and far away. Now she comes, clad in scarlet 
riding habit, with a little basket of cordials to the foreign widow of an 
army officer, and is off upon her fleet horse, leaving no name or address. 
Now she is comforting her servant upon a sick-bed with a hope of 
heaven. Now as a nurse she waits upon a neighbor's sick-bed. Once 
more she is found teaching and training a class of seventy poor children, 
whom she has gathered up in the vicinity for a Sunday-school. 

One thing was lacking. It is not good for any person to be alone, 
certainly not for a Christian, and least of all for a Christian called with 


an especial calling. Christ's spirit is a social spirit. One who has it 
must either found a society, or be allied to some existing society. Wher- 
ever there is a living church, the new-born spirit does well in hastening 
to embrace it and to be embraced by it. Away from the church, souls 
will grow peculiar. Healthy souls will choose even a faulty church as 
the lesser evil. Elizabeth Gurney, with healthy spirit, Becomega 
wanting a sure support against a doubting world and a dead rriend - 
church, and influenced by the example of her ancestors and of the 
teacher who had led her to believe, and also by her family relations, 
entered the Society of Friends, or, as they are called sometimes, the 

Opposing all outside show, the Quakers are a plain, modest, quiet, 
benevolent, and active Christian people. In an endeavor to avoid turn- 
ing the mind by outward forms from inner needs, which are alone im- 
portant, they forego baptism with water and the bread and wine of the 
Supper. They seek the inner baptism of the Holy Ghost and of fire, 
the inner enjoyment of the bread of heaven for their spiritual refresh- 
ment. They have no clergymen. Every converted soul, man or woman, 
is allowed to pray or teach, when moved thereto by the Spirit. They 
oppose all oaths and wars. They wear a simple uniform dress, seldom 
uncover the head, and address every one, be he a prince or a beggar, 
with the fraternal " thou." This society, so well suited to oppose pomp 
and folly with modest humility, was especially adapted for Elizabeth 
Gurney's mind, called as she was by an extraordinary calling. When 
she had learned to move in the coat of mail afforded her by the Quaker 
forms, she was rid of a thousand embarrassments, cares, and hindrances, 
which otherwise would have tried a nature as .true as hers, even if she 
had been a hundred times less fearful than she was, and would have 
made it unhappy in the midst of an unloving and unbelieving world. 

After a long struggle she made up her mind fully, put off all her gay 
colors and ornaments, and, not to be disturbed in heart, resigned dancing, 
and with some reluctance singing also, yet without condemning others 
who were devoted to music; put on the slate-colored garments, hid her 
luxuriant blonde hair in a black veil, and went to meet, at first with 
much fear, her loved relatives, her astonished acquaintances, and strangers, 
all of whom she quickly won over. Elizabeth Gurney was now twenty 
years old, a lovable image, every way of a simple nature, glorified through 
grace. She became the wife of a wealthy merchant of London, Joseph 
Fry, who was also a member of the Society of Friends. 

Elizabeth Fry, though of a small sect, may be deemed a leader of the 
evangelical church, as well as of the best men and women of her time, 
on account of her works, which were known through all Europe. For 
the baptism of the Spirit pervading her after-life, so full of love of God 
and man, may supply the lack of the outer forms of the sacraments. 


She kept a most exact conscience as well as a most enlarged heart. She 
exalted Christ crucified by her gentle faith, free from proselyting selfish- 
ness, before all who opposed, were they churchly or non-churchly, Prot- 
estant or Catholic, Jews or pagans, converted or unconverted, bond or 

Ere we follow her path in the world, let us see her as a wife and a 
Mother of eleven mother. The tender plant must first strike root deeply in the 
children. narrow home soil before it can grow to be a tree of right- 

eousness to the Lord's glory, before it can send out fruitful boughs over 
his walls to revive sinking bodies and pining souls. In her married life 
of forty-two years, very happy amid many trials, Elizabeth Fry bore 
eleven children. She had seven sons, eleven daughters and daughters-in- 
law, and twenty-five grandchildren. What cares, anxieties, watchings by 
night, and pains came with all these ! More than once her slight frame 
gave way under the load of her duties as wife, mother, daughter, and 
sister, as she was forced to hasten from one sick couch to another, from 
one dying bed to another ; but her strength was made perfect in weakness. 
Nor did she lose courage or force when, through the bankruptcy of a 
foreign house, her means were so diminished that she had to live very nar- 
rowly, giving up her country place. She maintained through every tem- 
pest the calmness of her spirit and her unwearying love, which could 
become poor to make others rich. 

In her ever-enlarging family her great natural gifts, gracious and lov- 
ing, were seen in growing power. Business skill, knowledge of human 
nature, quick perception, gentle but strong governing ability, were hers,- 
enabling her to rule her family quietly. She found the source of her 
efficiency and calmness in God's Word and in prayer. " As for me and 
my house, we will serve the Lord," was made by her the corner-stone of 
her structure. She was first Mary, but she knew how to be Martha in 
kitchen, cellar, and pantry. In laying the foundation of her Christian 
household by the strict observance of the Sabbath, for the good of both 
the soul and the body, she was helped by the custom of her country. 
But the best Sabbath Christianity, the most holy Sabbath devotions, were 
not enough for her. Every morning she called all the members of her 
family, her guests, and servants to family worship. She did not cease, 
from timidity or fear of offense, until she had firmly established this habit 
in her household. Thus were reared the two main pillars of the Chris- 
tian home, proper care of servants and right training of children ; nor 
can the latter be attained without the former. Elizabeth Fry remem- 
bered her motherly duty as well as her priestly duty towards her servants. 
We find her tarrying at the dying bed of an aged servant with help for 
her body and her soul. We hear her, with her Catholic gardener, whom 
for twenty years she sent every Sunday to his mass while she went to 
her church, speaking to him in his sick clays and well days of Christ, the 


only Saviour. She formed societies for the benefit of the serving class. 
On her journeys to inns or to the homes of friends she remembered the 
servants with kind remarks, books, and prayers. Sparing no pains in 
caring for her servants, she could courageously bring up her children to 
serve in the household, or with strong and gentle hand to Key t0 her pub . 
rule. Placing regard for those in her own home first, she llc success- 
could go forward without fear or shame, and lay her hand upon the 
wounds of the world outside. By being a complete home-mother she 
could grow to be a mother for the half of mankind. 

By her model housekeeping, her conscientious distribution of her 
time, her growth in faith and in prayer without ceasing, Elizabeth Fry 
advanced to that usefulness which she continued for forty years, saying, 
" Not my will, but thine, be done." She went, taking hours even when 
her oldest child was seriously ill, and made her accustomed rounds in the 
worst portions of London, seeking out poor women who had asked her 
help. She had learned that without close inspection of each case she 
could not help the poor effectively. Often she would find, upon going 
to the street and number named, that she had been deceived, and yet 
would discover there new cases of genuine want. Her eyes grew keen 
for perceiving human woe, and her ears for human sighs. Passing along 
the street upon the arm of a friend, at one time, Elizabeth Fry sud- 
denly left him to go to a woman who appeared to her troubled. The 
woman asked no help, and preferred to shun notice, but Elizabeth in- 
sisted upon her telling her secret. "Thou seemest in great distress. I 
pray thee tell me the reason of thy grief ; perhaps I can relieve thee." 
There was no answer. Elizabeth, leading her to her own brother's, near 
by, used loving looks and words, until the unfortunate creature told her 
that she was making her way to the Thames. She was not in want of 
money, but of wise Christian advice, and this Elizabeth Fry gave her, 
saving her both soul and body. Upon one cold winter's day Elizabeth 
Fry was asked for alms by a poor woman on the street. Excited to pity 
by the child in her arms, suffering from whooping-cough, but stirred to 
suspicion by her evasive answers, Elizabeth said that she would go 
home with her and give her aid. The woman declined, but Elizabeth 
followed her with firm step into a secluded alley, where, in a dark, foul 
hut, she found a large number of little sick, neglected children. The 
next morning she seDt the physician of her own children thither, who 
found the house empty. The neighbors told her that the poor children 
of the parish were given to this woman, and were kept by her miserably 
for the sake of getting alms, and even of shortening their lives, when 
by concealing their deaths she could still obtain the allowance for their 
support. These were Elizabeth Fry's pleasures and excite- Her work in the 
ments outside her own house. When escaping from the country, 
toil and noise of London to her country home, her children, and her 


flowers, she still attended to the needs of the poor and the sick. She 
kept a large stock of Bibles and religious reading, of cotton and woolen 
garments, and of medicines. She provided a hundred persons with 
soup in the cold of winter. Opposite her home was a dwelling with 
pointed gables and wide door-way, in which lived two aged sisters. She 
gained entrance to both their house and their heart. She carried sun- 
shine to their perishing spirits by her gentle words from the Scriptures, 
and obtained their consent to the setting up of a girl's school for the 
parish in one of its rooms, she supplying an excellent teacher, and secur- 
ing for it the support of the parish minister and of his wife. Our hero- 
ine found admission, too, to the dirty cottages of an Irish colony in the 
neighborhood, living in poverty and neglect, and labored to do them 
good. Caring for the sick ; blessing the dying ; adorning the poor coffin 
with the garland of evergreen ; comforting the mourners ; traversing 
the wretched street, with her garments well tucked up, amid the children 
and the pigs, up ruinous stairways and dark entries, bringing food, 
clothing, and the Word of God ; seeking to bring the youth into school 
and under government, — these were the cares and pleasures of her life. 
She read to the people from the Bible which she carried; she gave every 
one the right word ; she herself handled the sharp knife of the surgeon, 
administering vaccination to all in her neighborhood. Allowing no poor 
and forlorn ones to pass unhelped, she cared even for the wandering 
gypsies. She gave them medical prescriptions and advice, as well as 
warning and admonition to rescue them from their sinful and ruinous 
habits. The secret of taking care of poor people, she said, 

Her work for ° X \ 

forgotten was taking care of poor people's souls. She had an eye 

to the spiritual needs and dangers of the shepherds on the 
plain, the coast-watch on the shore, and the sailors on the seas. She 
founded a hundred libraries, to give these long-forgotten and greatly 
abandoned classes sound instruction and advice in things human and 
divine. For the shelterless people of the capital she sought warm lodg- 
ings, food, and clothes. In the watering-place, where she went for the 
baths, she helped form societies of men and women who felt called to 
be fathers and mothers to the poor. Genius, fidelity, self-sacrifice, and 
untiring Christian love marked the words and deeds of Elizabeth Fry, 
as she penetrated the depths of human woe. Bright example of what a 
weak woman can do in earnest imitation of Him who went about doing 
good ! Remember, too, the care and sorrow in her own home, with its 
eleven children, its sick and dying ones, and its multiplied toils. She 
had, indeed, aid from her sisters and daughters, yet she was the leader. 
She made the helping of the poor a pleasure to her children. By her 
cheeriness, by showing confidence in her children, allowing them at as early 
an age as possible to act as responsible bestowers of alms, by impress- 
ing them by her words and acts that wealth is to be used and distributed 


by its owners as stewards of God, she made the helping of the poor a 
pleasure to her sons and daughters. She was seen in the severest win- 
ter, when herself not strong, sitting in a wagon piled high with flannel 
garments, going to her j:>oor Irish people, whither her children had pre- 
ceded her to the glad distribution. She thus taught her family at home 
and abroad, in good and evil days, that it is so much more blessed to give 
than to receive. 

Elizabeth Fry did enough privately, without letting her left hand 
know the deeds of her right hand, to excite thousands to Leaderqhip in 
gratitude and wonder over such a rare benefactress. But noted reforms, 
she was not to be simply an angel of peace to a quiet neighborhood. 
Her love and fame were to go over the earth. She was to give a new 
life to one realm of human woe. In the beginning of this century, the 
prisons were almost everywhere places greatly neglected. In the pris- 
oner people hardly saw the man, much less the Christ. Elizabeth Fry 
entered, upon February 16, 1813, the London Newgate Prison. She 
found there, in two halls and two rooms measuring a hundred and ninety 
square yards, three hundred women, tried and not tried, with no re- 
gard to their offenses, their former circumstances, or their age, all under 
the oversight of one man and his son. Acquaintances went in and out ; 
many children were in the rooms, which served for cooking, washing, 
and sleeping. Their beds were the floor, with boards for their pillows. 
Some had hardly rags enough to cover their nakedness. With money, 
which they got by loud begging, they obtained gin to drink, sold within 
the very walls of the jail. Her ears were saluted with horrible oaths ; 
everything was covered with dirt ; the stench was intolerable. The chief 
warden of the prison, who never went into this depraved throng without 
a guard, wished to keep back Elizabeth Fry and her sister-indaw, Bux- 
ton, from entering, or at least to persuade them to lay aside their watches 
and purses. " I thank thee," said the former, " I am not afraid ; I shall 
not lose anything." The one hundred and sixty unfortunates looked 
with amazement upon a visitor such as never was seen in the apartment 
before. Her lofty stature, the majesty and innocence of her countenance, 
laid a spell upon the rude women. They were touched by hearing her 
soft tones, as she said, "Ye appear very unhappy. Ye want clothes; 
would ye like if one should come and supply what is wanted ? " " Yes ; 
but who will trouble themselves for us ? " "I am come hither with a 
wish to be useful to ye. If ye will sustain me, I hope to assist ye." She 
spoke then words of love and hope. . When she was going away, they 
thronged around her : " Ah, you will not come back again ? " " Yes, I 
will come," was the reply. 

Her return to the prison was after four years of sore trial and home 
sorrow, which refined her spirit, and made it accept more completely the 
new duty. She let herself be locked up with the women in the jail, and 
with her clear voice and wonderful emphasis read to them Christ's parable 


of the vineyard and of the eleventh-hour laborers. Some asked who 
Christ was ; others thought that it was too late for them. Elizabeth now 
Her organizing set U P a school for the poor little children, asking the women 
abilit y- to choose helpers for her. This won their mother hearts. 

They who had hitherto done nothing save beg, steal, quarrel, curse, sing, 
dance, wear men's clothes, and do everything that was shameful, listened 
to her whose good-will they recognized. 

Elizabeth Fry soon joined with herself twelve other women of the 
Society of Friends in an " Association for the Improvement of the Female 
Convicts at Newgate." With their leader at their head, they stayed days 
at a time with the poor women, directing, instructing, and employing 
them. The occupation of their hands, the Bible which was impressed 
upon their hearts, and the discipline which was administered according to 
laws approved by the women themselves, and by overseers chosen by 
them, effected a most wholesome change in the prison. "Women on the 
verge of the scaffold, or of transportation to Botany Bay, gave thanks 
to Elizabeth Fry. The prison overseer, the city courts, the ministry, and 
the Parliament were led to wonder at and recognize her work. Soon all 
England and half of Europe were asking advice of this heroine of a faith 
which worked by love. Her cares for convicts led her to attend to those 
discharged from prison, or transported beyond the sea. She spared 
neither strength, property, nor time. She cared little for luxuries when 
others lacked the barest necessities. She used every aid at hand. Her 
gentle, irresistible look and voice, which subdued the savage and the de- 
praved, opened also the hearts and hands of relatives and of strangers. 
Leads in work What she had done in London she gladly attempted through- 
abroad. out England, Scotland, and Ireland, and also throughout 

France, Holland, Switzerland, Germany, and Denmark, in five extended 
journeys, laboring everywhere, in cottage or in palace, as she found en- 
trance. The great of the world sought her acquaintance. She paid visits 
to kings, and received a visit from Frederick William Fourth of Prussia. 
She preferred to be with the poor and imprisoned, and sought the great 
only when she had " something good to say to them." She succeeded 
in alleviating sorrow in every land in which her presence or her name 
was known. People everywhere did reverence to the lofty form, wearing 
the long, plain Quaker dress, and the smooth, high, round cap, with the 
glossy hair worn short in front, the full round face, the fine features, and 
the lively, deep-set blue eyes. They beheld there an indescribable look 
of repose, simplicity, strength, and dignity ; a bearing which, laying aside 
compliments and circumlocutions, was as kind and unassuming towards 
convicts as towards queens ; in a word, a model of glorified Christian 
womanhood. Along a path leading through many joys and through more 
sufferings, Elizabeth Fry reached the goal. She went in the night of 
October 13, 1845, to the joy of her Lord.— II. V'M. 




F. A. The Rev. Dr. F. Ahlfeld, Pastor in Leipzig John Williams. 

F. A. The Rev. Dr. Friedrich Arndt, Pastor in Berlin .... Anne Askew. 

C. B. The Rev. Dr. C. Becker, Pastor in Konigsberg Wishart. 

C. B. The Rev. Dr. C. Bindemann, Church Superintendent in Grim- 
men Monica, Augustine. 

B. The Rev. Dr. Bouterwek, Director of Gymnasium, Elber- 

feld Columba, Aidan. 

C. F. B. The Rev. J. C. F. Burk, Pastor in Echterdingen Bengel. 

D. E. The Rev. Dr. David Eedmann, Church General Superintend- 

ent, Breslau Baxter. 

A. E. F. The Rev. Dr. A. E. Frohlich, Professor, Aarau, Switzer- 
land Zwingle, Laborie. 

K. F. The Rev. Dr. K. Frommann, Church General Superintendent in 

Petersburg Zeisberger. 

K. R. H. The Rev. Dr. K. R. Hagenbach, Professor of Theology, Basel, 

Switzerland . . . Clement, Athanasius, (Ecolampadius, Renata, Beza. 

J. H. The Rev. J. Hartmann, Dean in Tuttlingen Brentz. 

K. H. The Rev. Dr. K. Hase, Professor of Theology in Jena .... Savonarola. 

F. R. H. The Rev. Dr. F. R. Hasse, Professor of Theology in Bonn . . Anselm. 

F. H. The Rev. Dr. Fred. Haupt, Pastor in Gronau Hildegard. 

P. H. The Rev. Dr. P. Henry, Pastor in Berlin Calvin. 

H. H. The Rev. Dr. H. Heppe, Professor of Theology in Marburg, 

Cranmer, Hooper, William of Orange. 

L. H. The Rev. Dr. L. Heubner, Director of Seminary, Wittenberg . Luther. 

W. H. The Rev. Dr. Wilhelm Hoffmann, Church General Superin- 
tendent, Berlin John of Monte Corvino. 

H. The Rev. Dr. Hundeshagen, Professor of Theology in Bonn . Ursinus. 

C. H. K. The Rev. Dr. Christian H. Kalkar, Pastor in Copenhagen . Egede. 

C. F. K. The Rev. Dr. Chr. Fr. Kling, Dean in Marbach ..... Origen. 

F. W. K. The Rev. Dr. Fred. W. Krummacher, Court Preacher in Pots- 

dam Lawrence, Chrysostom, Huss, Gerhardt, Oberlin. 

G. L. The Rev. Dr. Gotthard Lechler, Professor of Theology in 

Leipzig Bede, Wiclif Oldcastle, Ridley. 

H. L. The Rev. Dr. H. Leo, Professor of Philosophy in Halle . . . Patrick. 

P. L. The Rev. Dr. Peter Lorimer, Professor in Presbyterian Col- 
lege, London Hamilton. 

F. L. The Rev. Dr. Fred. Lubker, Director of Gymnasium in Flens- 

burg Columban, Boniface, Alfred. 


. F. M. 


, V'M. 


B. M. 








J. V'O. 


C. T. 0, 














D. R. 


G. R. 


H. S. 




T. M. The Rev. Dr. Thomas MacCrie, Professor in Presbyterian Col- 
lege, London John Knox. 

Dr. H. F. Massmann, Professor of Philosophy in Berlin . . . Ulfilas. 

The Rev. H. Von Merz, Church Prelate in Stuttgart, 

Boussel, Schwartz, 31 arty n, Wilberforce, Fry. 
C. B. Moll, Church General Superintendent, Konigsberg . . Wessel. 

The Rev. Adolf Monod, Pastor in Paris, France Blandina. 

The Rev. Dr. August Neander, Professor of Theology in Ber- 
lin Bernard, Aquinas, Melancthon. 

E. Noeldechen, Head Teacher, Magdeburg Claudius. 

The Rev. Dr. J. J. Van Oosterzee, Professor of Theology in 

Utrecht Thomas a Kempis. 

The Rev. Dr. J. C. T. Otto, Professor of Theology in Vienna . Cyril. 

Dr. Reinhold Pauli, Professor of Philosophy in Gottingen, 

Alfred the Great. 
The Rev. Dr. Ferdinand Piper, Professor of Theology, Berlin . Polycarp. 

The Rev. Dr. T. Pressel, Dean in Schorndorf Rabaut. 

The Rev. Dr. F. Ranke, Director of Gymnasium, Berlin, 

Perpetua, Hans Sachs, Peterson. 

The Rev. A. Rische, Pastor in Schwinkendorf King Louis. 

The Rev. Louis Rognon, Pastor in Paris Coligny. 

The Rev. J. D. Rothmund, Pastor in St. Gall Gall. 

The Rev. K. G. Von Rudloff, Cathedral Preacher in Nisky, Guthrie, MacKail. 
The Rev. Dr. K. H. Sack, Chief Consistory Councilor, Bonn, John Wesley. 
The Rev, Dr. C. Schmidt, Professor of Theology in Strassburg, 

Remy, Tauler. 
H. E. S. The Rev. Dr. H. E. Schmieder, Director of Seminary, Witten- 
berg . Paphnutius, Spiridion, Ambrose, Jerome, Austin, Waldo, Magda- 

lena Luther, Paleario, Zinzendorf. 
K. S. The Rev. Dr. K. Semisch, Professor of Theology in Berlin, 

Ignatius, Justin, lrenceus. 
C. W. S. The Rev. Dr. C. W. Starstedt, Professor of Theology in Lund, 

Sweden Ansgar. 

A. T. The Rev. Dr. August Tholuck, Professor of Theology in 

Halle Spener, Francke. 

F. T. The Rev. F. Trechsel, Pastor in Berne, Switzerland .... Farel. 

J. 0. V. The Rev. J. 0. Vaihinger, Cathedral Preacher in Cannstadt, 

Gustavus Adolphus. 
L. W. The Rev. L. Wiese, Church Counselor in Berlin Cyprian. 


H. C A. The Rev. Dr. H. C. Alexander, Professor in Union Theological 

Seminary, Hampden-Sidney, Va Alexander. 

R. B. The Rev. Dr. Robert Beard, Professor in Theological Semi- 
nary, Lebanon, Tenn Donnell. 

C. W. B. The Rev. Dr. C. W. Bennett, Professor in Theological Depart- 
ment of Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY Fisk. 

W. M. B. The Rev. Dr. W. M. Blackburn, Professor in Theological Semi- 
nary of Northwest, Chicago, 111. . Makemie, Dickinson, Witherspoon. 

S. L. C. The Rev. Dr. S. L. Caldwell, President of Vassar College, 

Poughkeepsie, N. Y Manning. 

R. W. C. The Rev. Dr. Rufus W. Clark, Pastor in Albany, N. Y. . . Livingston. 

H. F. C. Mrs. Helen Finney Cox, Cincinnati, Finney. 

T. D. The Rev. Dr. Timothy Dvvight, Professor in Theological School, 

Yale College, New Haven, Conn Dwight. 

J. H. G. The Rev. Dr. J. H. Good, Professor in Theological Department, 

Heidelberg College, Tiffin, Schlatter 


L. G. The Rev. Dr. Lewis Grout, late Missionary to South Africa, W. 

Brattleboro, Vt Vanderkemp. 

A. A. H. The Rev. Dr. Arch. A. Hodge, Professor in Theological Semi- 

nary, Princeton, N. J Hodge. 

S. H. The Rev. Dr. Samuel Hopkins, Professor in Theological Semi- 
nary, Auburn, N. Y Brewster, Hopkins. 

Z. H. The Rev. Dr. Zephaniah Humphreys, Professor in Lane 

Theological Seminary, Cincinnati, Edwards. 

J. B. J. The Rev. Dr. J. B. Jeter, Editor of the Religious Herald, Rich- 
mond, Va Fuller. 

H. J. The Rev. Dr. Herrick Johnson, Professor in Theological Semi- 
nary, Auburn, N. Y Barnes. 

H. K. Mrs. Helen Kendrick, Rochester, N. Y Judson. 

H. L. The Rev. Dr. Heman Lincoln, Professor in Theological Semi- 
nary, Newton Centre, Mass Wayland. 

H. M. M. The Rev. Dr. Henry M. MacCracken, Pastor in Toledo, O., 

Isabella Graham. 

J. M. P. The Rev. Dr. J. M. Pendleton, Pastor in Upland, Pa. . . . Peck. 

W. K. P. The Rev. Dr. W. K. Pendleton, President of Bethany College, 

Bethany, W. Va Campbell. 

B. F. P. The Rev. B. F. Prince, Professor in Wittenberg College, Spring- 

field, Muhlenberg. 

W. B. S. The Rev. Dr. W. Bacon Stevens, Bishop of the Pennsylvania 

Diocese of the Protestant Episcopal Church, Philadelphia . White. 

H. B. S. Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, Hartford, Conn. . . . Lyman Beecher. 

T. 0. S. The Rev. Dr. Thomas O. Summers, Professor of Theology in 

Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn MacKendree. 

J. W. The Rev. Dr. J. Weaver, Bishop of the United Brethren, Day- 
ton, Otlerbein. 

T. W. The Rev. Dr. Thomas Webster, Pastor in Newbury, Canada . Asbury. 

S. W. W. The Hon. S. Wells Williams, LL. D., Professor of Chinese Lit- 
erature, Yale College, New Haven, Conn Morrison. 

R. Y. The Rev. R. Yeakel, Bishop of the Evangelical Association, 

Naperville, 111 Albright. 

D. R. K. The Rev. Dr. David R. Kerr, Professor in Theological Sem- 
inary, Alleghany, Pa Pressly. 

A. W. The Rev. Dr. A. Webster, Pastor in Baltimore, Md Stockton. 








1. New Year 

A. D. 

1. IGNATIUS . . 

A. D. 


1. Suidbert .... 

A. ». 


2. Martyrs of the Books 303 

2. Mary [Purification] 



3. Gordius, Martyr . 


3. ANSGAR . . . 


LEY .... 


4. Titus 


4. Rabanus Maurus . 


3. Balthilde . . . 


5. Simeon .... 


5. SPENER . . . 


4. WISHART . . 


6. Christ and Wise 

6. Amandus 


5. AQUINAS . . 


Men .... 


7. Geo. Wagner . . 


6. Fridolin .... 


7. Widukind . . . 


8. Mary Andrea 




8. Severinus . . . 


9. HOOPER . . . 


8. URSINUS • . 


9. Catharine Zell . . 


10. Oetinger .... 


9. CYRIL . . . 


10. Paul the Hermit . 


11. Hugo St. Victor . 


10. Martyrs in Armenia 


11. Fructuosus . . . 


12. Jane Grey . . . 


11. Hoseus .... 


12. John Chastellain 




12. Gregory .... 


13. Hilary of France 


14. Bruno .... 


13. Roderick .... 



15. Von Loh ... 


14. Matilda .... 


15. John Laski . . . 


16. Desubas .... 


15. CRANMER . . 


16. Geo. Spalatin . . 




16. Heribert .... 


17. Antony the Hermit 


18. SYMEON • • • 


17. PATRICK . . 


18. Jno. Blackader . . 


19. Mesrob .... 


18. Alexander . . 


t Babylas . . . 
' * 1 Isabella . . . 


20. Sadoth .... 

21. Meinrad .... 


19. Mary and Martha 

20. Ambrose of Siena . 


[ Fabian .... 

20 1 

' \ Sebastian . . . 


22. Didymus .... 

23. Ziegenbalg . . . 


21. Benedict .... 

22. Nicolas the Hermit 



21. Agnes .... 


24. Matthew .... 


23. Wolfgang . . . 


22. Vincentius . . . 


25. Olevian .... 


24. Florentius . . 



26. Haller .... 


25. Mary [Annuncia- 

24. Timothy .... 




25. Paul [Conversion] 


28. JOHN OF 

26. Liudger .... 





27. Rupert .... 




VINO .... 


28. Von Goch . . . 


28. Charlemagne . . 


29. Ethelbert [assigned 

29. Eustace .... 


29. Juventus, etc. . 


also, to 24th Feb- 

30. Heermann . . . 


30. Henry Miiller . 


ruary] . 

31. Ernst of Saxony . . 




1 As edited in Germany by Dr. Ferdinand Piper, corresponding with the names for all the days of 
the year in the Improve/I Evangelical Calendar. The lives translated into English and edited in the 
present work are printed in capitals. The figures after names indicate the year of some principal 
event in the life referred to, usually of its beginning or close. 







1. Fritigil . . 

A. D. 

. . 400 

1. Philip and James . 

A. D. 



A. D. 

. . 1826 

2. Theodocia 

. 307 




. 177 

3. Tersteegen 

. . 1769 

3. MONICA . . . 


3. Clotilda . . 

. . 540 


. . 397 

4. Florian .... 


4. Quirinus . . 

. . 300 

5. Scriver . . 

. 1693 

5. Frederick the "Wise 



. . 755 

6. Albert Diirer 

. . 1528 

6. John of Damascus . 


6. Norbert . . 

. . 1134 


. 1552 

i Domatilla . . . 
7 - \ Otto .... 



. 1676 

8. Chemnitz 

. 1586 



. . 1727 

9. Von Westen 

. . 1727 

8. Stanislaus 



. . 597 

10. Fulbert . . 

. 1028 

9. Gregory Nazianz . 


10. Barbarossa . 

. . 1190 

11. Leo the Great 

. 461 

10. Heuglin .... 


11. Barnabas . 

. . Bible 

12. Sabas . . . 

. 372 

11. John Arndt . . . 


12. RENATA . 

. 1575 

13. JUSTIN . . 

. 161 

12. Meletius . . . , 


13. Le Febvre . 

. . 1702 

14. Eccard 

. 1611 

13. Servatius .... 


14. Basil . . . 

. . 379 

15. Dach . . . 

. 1659 

14. Pachomius . . . 


15. WILBER- 

16. WALDO . 

. 1197 



. 1833 

17. Mappalicus . 

. 250 

16. Five Lausanne Stu- 

16. BAXTER . 

. 1691 

18. Luther [at Worr 

qs] 1521 

dents .... 


17. TAULER . 

. 1361 

19. MELANC- 

17. Joachim .... 


18. Pamphilus . 

. 309 


. 1560 

18. Martyrs under Valens 370 


20. Bugenhagen . 

. 1558 

19. ALCUIN . . . 

. 804 

19. ) TIUS 

. 325 

21. ANSELM . 

. 1109 

20. Herberger . . . 


( Council of Nic 

e . 325 

22. ORIGEN . 

. 254 

21. Constantine and Hel- 

20. Martyrs of Pragi 

le . 1621 

r George, killer 




. . 1815 

23. < Dragons 

. 200 

22. Castus and Emilius 


22. Gottschalk . 

. 1066 

( Adelbert . 

. 997 



23. Gottfried Arnold 

. 1714 

24. Wilfrid . . 

. 709 

24. Cazalla .... 


24. John the Baptist 

. Bible 

25. Mark . . . 

. Bible 


25. Augsburg Con 


26. Trudpert . . 

. 643 



. 1530 

27. Catelin . . 

. 1554 

26. BEDE .... 


26. John Andrea 

. 1654 

28. Myconius . . 

. 1546 

27. CALVIN . . . 


27. Seven Sleepers 

. 250 

29. Berquin . . 

. 1529 

28. Lanfranc .... 


28. IREN^EUS . 

. 202 

30. Calixt . . . 

. 1656 



29. Peter and Paul . 

. Bible 

30. Jerome of Prague . 


31. Joachim Neander . 








1. Martyrs at Brussels 

2. Mary [Visitation] 

i Otto of Bamberg 

A. D. 


A. D. 

1. Maccabees . Apocrypha 

2. Martyrs under Nero 64 

3. Thorp 1407 

4. Kliser 1527 

A. B. 

2. Mamas .... 274 

3. HILDEGARD 1197 

4. Ida Ton Herzfeld . 820 

4. Ulrich of Augsburg 



5. Salzburgers . . . 

6. Christ [Transfigura- 


5. Mallio . . 

6. Waibel . . 

. 1553 
. 1525 

6. HUSS .... 

7. Willibald . . . 



7. Nonna .... 


7. Spengler . . 

8. Corbinian 

. 1534 
. 730 

8. Kilian .... 


8. Hormisdas . . 


9. Paschal . 

. 1560 

9. Ephraim of Syria . 


9. Numidicus . 


10. Speratus . 

. 1551 

f Canute .... 1036 
' ORANGE . . 1584 


( Jerusalem Destroyed 
11. Gregory of Utrecht 775 

11. BRENTZ . 

12. Peloquin . 

13. FAREL . 

. 1570 
. 1553 
. 1565 

11. Placidus .... 

12. Henry of Germany 

13. Eugenius .... 



12. Anselm of Havelberg 


14. GUTHRIE . . 



( Dante . . 
15. Grumbach . 

. 258 
. 1321 
. 1554 

14. Bonaventura . 

15. Ansver .... 


15. Mary 

16. John the Wise . . 


16. Euphemia 

17. Lambert . . 

. 311 

. 709 

16. ANNE ASKEW 1546 

17. Gerhard .... 


18. Spangenberg . 

. . 1792 

17. Martyrs of Scillita . 


18. Grotius .... 


19. Thomas St. Pau 

. 1551 

18. Arnulf .... 


19. Sebald .... 




19. Louisa Henrietta 

20. Marteilhe .... 


20. BERNARD . . 

21. Moravian Missions 


21. Matthew . . 

. 1542 
. Bible 

21. Eberhard .... 


22. Symphorianus . . 


22. Mauritius 

. 302 

22. Mary Magdalene . Bible 

23. Gottfried of Hamelle 1552 

23. COLIGNY . . 

24. Bartholomew . . 




. 1555 


25. LOUIS .... 




26. ULFILAS . . 

27. Jovinian .... 



25 < 

( Peace of Augsb 

. 1795 
urg 1555 

26. Christopher 

27. Palmarius . . . 



29. John Baptist Be- 


27. Graveron . . 

. 1557 

28. Bach 

29. Olaf 


headed .... 
30. CLAUDIUS . . 


28. Cologne Martyrs 

29. Michael . . . 

. 1529 
. Bible 

30. WESSEL . . • 

31. Schade .... 


31. AIDAN . . . 


30. JEROME . • 

. 420 







1. EEMY . . . 

A. D. 


1. All Saints 

A. D. 

1. Eligius . . 

A. B. 

. 659 

2. Schmid . . . 


2. Victorinus . . . 


2. Ruysbroeck . 

. . 1381 

3. Ewalds . . . 


3. Pirmin . . . 


. . 1384 

4. Francis . . . 


4. BENGEL . . . 


4. Gerhard of Ziitphen 1398 

5. Carnesecchi . . 


5. EGEDE . . . 


5. Crispina . . 

. . 304 

6. Henry Albert . 



6. Nicolas of Myra 

. J 400 

7. BEZA . . . 




e Odontitis . 
7 -|miler . . 

. . 1605 

8. Grostbead . . . 


7. Wijlibrord . . . 


. . 1769 

9. Dionysius 


8. Willehad .... 


8. Einkard . 

. . 1649 


9. Staupitz .... 


9. Schmolck . . 

. . 1737 

11. ZWINGLE . 


10. LUTHER . • . . 


10. Eber . . . 

. . 1569 

12. Bullinger .... 


11. Martin of Tours . 


11. Henry of Ziitphen 1524 

13. ELIZ. FRY . 


12. Von Mornay . . 


f SPIRIDION . 325 

14. RIDLEY • • • 


13. Arcadius .... 


12> ) Vicclin . 

. 1154 

15. Aurelia .... 


14. Vermigli .... 


/ Odilia . . 
13 ' | Berthold . 

. 720 

16. GALL .... 


15. Keppler .... 


. 1272 

17. Edict of Nantes 

16. Creuziger . . . 


14. Dioscuru3 

. 250 

[revoked] . . 


17. Bernward . . . 


15. Christiana 

. 330 

18. Luke 


18. Gregory of Armenia 


16. Adelheid . . 

. 999 

19. Bruno of Cologne . 


19. Elizabeth of Hesse 


17. Sturm . . 

. 779 

20. Lambert . . . 



18. Seckendorf . 

. . 1692 

21. Hilary tbe Hermit . 


IAMS . . . 


19. Clement of Egyp 

t . 220 

22. Hedwig .... 




20. Abraham 

. Bible 



21. Thomas . . 

. Bible 

TYN .... 


DIUS .... 



. 1666 

/ Arethas . . . 


23. CLEMENT . . 


23. Du Bourg . 

. . 1559 

24. \ Peace of Westpha- 



24. Adam, Eve . 

. Bible 

( lia . . . . 


25. Catharine of Egypt 


25. Christmas 

. Bible 

25. John Hess . . . 


26. Conrad of Constanz 


26. Stephen . . 

. Bible 

26. Frederick tbe Elector 1576 

27. Margaret Blaarer . 


27. John . . . 


27. Frumentius . . . 


28. ROUSSEL . . 


28. Innocents 

. Bible 

28. Simon and Jude 


29. Saturninus . 




30. Andrew .... 


30. Christopher [Du 

ke] 1568 

GREAT . . . 



IF 1384 

30. Sturm .... 


31. Luther's Theses . . 












Other lands 
of N. A. 




1. Lutheran . . 

2. Reformed (German) . 

3. Reformed (Dutch) . 

4. Presbyterian . . . 

5. Presbyterian, United 

6. Presbyterian, Cumb. 

8. Baptist 

9. Methodist Episcopal . 

11. Congregational . . 

12. Evangelical Association 

13. United Brethren . . 

































j 112 





1 Roman Catholic . . . 







2. Greek Catholic 







3. Old Catholic . 







4. Armenian . . 







5. Nestorian . . 







6. Jacobite . . . 







7. Copt .... 

8. Abyssinian . . 

















2. Reformed (German) . . 

3. Reformed (Dutch) . . 

4. Presbyterian .... 

5. Presbyterian, United 

6. Presbyterian, Cumb. 

9. Methodist Episcopal . . 

11. Congregational . . . 

12. Evangelical Association. 

13. United Brethren . . . 





















1. Roman Catholic ... 







2. Greek Catholic 







3. Old Catholic . 







4. Armenian . . 







5. Nestorian . . 







6. Jacobite . . . 







7. Copt .... 







8. Abyssinian . . 






The t denotes number of pastors, instead of number of congregations. 

The * denotes number of congregations estimated one for every thousand of population. 


EUROPE ( Continued). 


1. Lutheran 

2. Reformed (German) . . 

3. Reformed (French) . . 

4. Presbyterian . . . . 

5. Presbyterian, United 

6. Presbyterian, Cumb. 

7. Episcopal 

8. Baptist 

9. Methodist Episcopal . . 

10. Methodist 

11. Congregational . . . 

12. Evangelical Association 

13. United Brethren . . . 

14. Disciples 

All others 








i S 19,700 ) 
j 230) 














1. Roman Catholic 







2. Greek Catholic 







3. Old Catholic . 







4. Armenian . . 







5. Nestorian . . 







6. Jacobite . . . 







7. Copt .... 







8. Abyssinian . . 









Reformed (German) . . 
Reformed (Butch &Fr'ch) 
Presbyterian .... 
Presbyterian, United 
Presbyterian, Cumb. 



Methodist Episcopal . . 


Congregational . . . 
Evangelical Association. 
United Brethren . . . 


All others 

West Asia 







Rest of 

and Siam. 



























(30 j 
















Grand Total 128,452 



1. Roman Catholic 







2. Greek Catholic 







3. Old Catholic . 







4. Armenian . . 






*12 022 

5. Nestorian . . 







6. Jacobite . . . 







7. Copt .... 

8. Abyssinian . . 






| *3,000 

1 Of these, all but 1,500 are " Evangelical," and include both Lutheran and Reformed. 

The * denotes number of congregations estimated one for every thousand of population. 

The above Table of Statistics of the church throughout the earth by denominations and congre- 
gations has been constructed (no similar table being known) on the latest denominational reports at 
hand, or upon the statements of cyclopaedias. It of necessity is very imperfect, yet may serve to 
show in what lands each denomination prevails, and also to indicate the slight degree in which some 
portions of the globe have been possessed by the church. Possibly it may serve beside to suggest to 
some student of statistics the preparation of a like table of greater fullness and accuracy. — H. M. M. 






All references to pages 1-264 are to Part First. — Earlier Leaders. 
All references to pages 265-540 are to Part Second. — Later Leaders — Europe. 
All references to pages 541-856 are to Part Third. — Later Leaders — America, Asia, Africa, and 

Absent-Minbedness, 215. 

Absolution, 248. 

Abaptiveness, 189, 538. 

Abventures, 299, 331. 

Adversity, 147. (See Trials.) 

Affliction, 307. (See Trials.) 

Ambition, 81, 432. 

Angels, 277. 

Anger, 583. 

Anti-Popery, 38, 131, 158, 161, 166, 198, 

220, 221, 225, 241, 248, 253, 266, 285, 

298, 720. 
Antislavery, 529, 530, 559, 561, 724, 

743, 768. 
Apostles, 3, 14, 15. 

Asceticism, 8, 57, 202. (See Monkery.) 
Authorship, 26, 111, 146, 189, 215. 

(See Books.) 


Backslibing, 102. 

Baptism, 103, 275. 

Beauty, 432, 481. 

Benebiction, 121, 124, 194. 

Bereavement, 275, 278, 319. 

Bible, 13, 23, 73, 156, 159, 165, 175, 182, 
204, 210, 218, 243, 244, 253, 260, 266, 
268, 280, 310, 324, 327, 382, 383, 388, 
400, 410, 462, 466, 816, 823, 844. 

Bible Stuby, 25, 95, 97, 204, 235, 237, 
293, 470. 

Blessebness, 198. 

Books, 136, 152, 191, 216, 225, 227, 253, 

272, 282, 293, 294, 305, 343, 357, 373, 
415, 458, 513, 522, 528, 555, 829. 

Boyhoob, 170. 

Brothers, 195, 517, 523. 

Brotherhood, 604, 656. 

Bravery, 126, 254, 267, 268, 271. 

Burials, 278, 300, 341, 421, 446, 533, 
607, 631, 787. 

Business, 229, 466. 


Call to Life Work, 292. 

Call to the Ministry, 87, 109, 170, 

176, 186, 195, 603, 663, 731. 
Carbs, 262, 475. 
Catechism, 269, 294, 297, 301, 303, 304, 

305, 450, 463, 512, 567, 588. 
Celibacy, 57, 325. 
Charity, 120, 124, 125, 151, 179, 196, 

464, 528, 534, 537, 538, 539, 597, 748. 
Chastity, 71. 
Cheerfulness, 296. 
Chilbhoob, 63, 86. 
Chilblikeness, 272. 
Children, 276, 277, 494i 
Christian Communion, 20. 
Christian Love, 199. 
Christmas, 98. 
Christ's Person, 1, 3, 6, 31, 64, 98, 154, 

158, 191, 200,374,473. 
Christ's Righteousness, 197. 
Christ's Work, 6, 98. 
Church and State, 145, 156, 171, 174, 

190, 192, 241, 249, 256, 260, 268, 286, 



288, 307, 311, 319, 355, 381, 390, 417, 

422, 424, 444, 499, 501, 545, 741, 785, 

Church Corruption, 210, 211, 250, 519, 

553, 650. 
Church Creeds, 284, 299, 302, 310, 382, 

385, 389, 440, 443, 476. 
Church Disputes, 27, 65, 75, 110, 154, 

220, 223, 283, 285, 288, 313, 442, 457, 

Church Government, 173,192,306, 311, 

318, 339, 416, 429, 471, 478, 483, 521, 

522, 569, 570, 606, 653, 774. 
Church Unity, 35, 42, 166, 238, 289, 

334, 343, 459, 471, 513, 521, 573, 589, 

Civilization, 163, 167, 345, 368, 496, 

497, 541, 547, 567. 
Commentaries, 159, 470, 770. 
Compromise, 286. 
Confessing Christ, 54, 60, 72, 248, 

271, 285, 351, 358, 376, 387, 396, 408, 

409, 485. 
Confessing Sins, 112, 248, 257, 264, 395. 
Conflict, 239, 415. 
Conscientiousness, 444. 
Consecration, 94, 202, 219, 266, 292, 

338, 364, 462, 494, 510, 518, 527, 533, 

557, 601, 784. 
Consolation, 28, 225. 
Conversion, 11, 40, 102, 108, 114, 176, 

195, 266, 327, 509, 519, 534, 615, 670. 
Courage, 51, 68, 149, 164, 254, 267, 271, 

314, 324, 366, 370, 396, 401, 405, 406, 

417, 418, 454, 495, 498, 503. 
Courtesy, 272. 
covetousness, 16. 
Crosses, 160. 


Deacons, 46. 

Death, 125, 206, 232, 245, 276, 290, 300, 

308, 315, 319, 334, 362, 439, 460, 546, 

582, 802. 
Devotedness, 577, 589, 595, 600, 683, 

797, 804. 
Diligence, 146, 336, 674. 
Discipline, 91, 157, 318, 333, 552. 
Dishonesty, 62. 
Distress, 197. 
Doubt, 474, 510. 
Dream, 277. 
Drinking, 716. 

Dying Courage, 55. 

Dying Testimonies, 21, 56, 85, 92, 103, 
113, 121, 138, 180, 193, 200, 206, 239, 
249, 258, 264, 270, 314, 320, 340, 341, 
351, 367, 378, 387, 394, 397, 420, 446, 
472, 482, 490, 504, 507, 508, 516, 524, 
533, 606, 630, 685, 749, 847. 


Egotism, 8. 

Eloquence, 82, 88. 

Episcopacy, 8. 

Evangelists, 11, 169, 624. 

Exile, 592. 

Exposition of the Bible, 310. 


Eaith, 7, 165, 204, 236, 270, 277, 474, 

506, 507, 518, 825. 
Faithfulness, 69, 80, 228, 229, 268, 273, 

306, 361, 461, 480, 492, 514, 529, 553. 
Fasting, 61. 
Fathers and Children, 23, 53, 76, 86, 

142, 204, 206, 265, 276, 277, 297, 298, 

308, 315, 321. 
Fearlessness, 83. 
Fellowship, 19. 
Firmness, 273. 
Fleeing Evil, 18. 
Foreign Missionaries, 163, 166, 169, 

176,474. (See Missions.) 
Frankness, 234, 237, 255, 261, 270, 330, 

Freewill, 342, 556. 
Friendship, 227, 257, 281, 287, 333, 339, 

396, 413. 


Gentleness, 458. 
God, 162, 200, 549, 563. 
Good Works, 246, 270. 
Grief, 278. 


Habits, 390, 523, 582, 583. 
Heaven, 195, 508. 
Holy Spirit, 183, 184, 191, 271. 
Home, 180, 275, 279, 440, 523, 529, 536. 
Home Missions, 196, 328. 
Honesty, 270. 



Humility, 118, 125, 226,237, 271,272, 

281, 465, 555. 
Husbands, 100, 203, 269, 347, 348. 
Hymns, 90, 440, 446, 447, 448, 471, 523. 
Hypocrisy, 366, 542, 561. 

Idolatry, 438. 

Image, 155, 158, 160, 426. 

Incarnation, 191. 

Independence, 179, 479. 

Industry, 110, 120, 135, 179, 188, 194, 

196, 215, 229, 235, 240, 291, 322, 437, 

Influence, 233, 259, 264, 468, 523, 524, 

531, 540. 
Introspection, 196. 
Intolerance, 199, 566. 

Jesting, 296. 
Joy, 395, 447, 808. 
Justice, 205. 
Justification, 281, 327. 


Kingdom of God, 150. 
Kingliness, 129, 201, 207, 212, 215, 324, 

Labors, 596, 620. 

Last Will, 147. 

Law and Gospel, 259. 

Laws of Moses, 145, 159. 

Lay Work, 220, 224, 243, 246, 247, 291, 

Learning, 279, 294. 
Legends, 140. 
Letters, 459. 
Letter- Writing, 276, 277. 
Lewd Books, 262. 
Liberty, 59, 302, 428, 430, 526, 563, 575, 

578, 579. 
Libraries, 293, 309. 
Licentiousness, 96, 105, 107. 
Life, Love of, 193. 
Literature, 296. 

Longing for Heaven, 290, 411, 420. 
Lord's Prayer, 239. 

Lord's Supper, 244, 283, 289, 297, 305, 
311, 313, 319, 332, 342, 357, 359, 392, 
402, 443, 451, 477. 

Loss of Children, 275. 

Love, 7, 166, 273, 277, 467, 476, 563. 

Love to God, 200, 204, 236, 237, 473. 


Magnanimity, 387, 390, 457, 554. 

Marriage, 269, 275, 291, 307, 339, 354, 
406, 433, 447, 459, 476, 481, 487, 496, 
523, 535, 550, 621, 742. 

Martyrs, 2, 5, 13, 20, 45, 48, 52, 55, 74, 
175, 178, 258, 378, 407, 409,412,413, 
488, 490, 504, 841, 843, 856. 

Mass, 401, 417. 

Meditation, 194, 231. 

Meekness, 214. 

Memory, 17. 

Metaphysics, 222. 

Miracles, 456. 

Missionary Ship, 177, 545, 565. 

Missionary Spirit, 206, 217. 

Missions, 117, 123, 127, 128, 149, 163, 
166, 169, 171, 175, 181, 182,208,217, 
218, 466, 467, 478, 479, 515, 538, 554, 
562, 566, 571, 575, 586, 594, 747, 838. 

Money, 290, 341. 

Monkery, 57, 67, 78, 96, 97, 105, 115, 
214, 241, 251, 265. 

Morality, 12, 294, 490, 527. 

Mothers, and Mother's Influence, 
23, 53,76, 86, 101, 142, 186, 194, 203, 
213, 214, 227, 251, 297, 301, 315, 321, 
485, 517, 533, 574, 577, 600. 

Motives, 151. 

Mourning, 278, 294. 

Munificence, 26, 43, 89, 301. 

Music, 3, 90. 

Mysticism, 223. 


Names, 363. 

Nature, 30, 195, 335, 542, 549, 550. 

Noted Sermons, 168. 


Old Age, 288, 290, 296, 334, 532, 598, 

629, 740, 836. 
Organizing Talent, 196, 219. 



Orphans, 464. 
Overwork, 197. 


Paganism, 10, 71, 853. 

Paintings, 99, 262. 

Pantheism, 216. 

Parents and Children, 201, 203, 204, 
206, 207, 265, 274, 276, 279, 319, 320, 
327, 337, 339, 349, 352, 365, 372, 379, 
380, 435, 445, 472, 473, 489, 491, 500, 
509, 513, 524, 533, 547, 551, 593, 744, 

Pastors, 145, 243, 360, 450, 455, 484, 
493, 500, 512, 576, 587, 739. 

Patience. (See Affliction.) 

Patriotism, 89, 144, 241, 274, 295, 297, 
309, 418, 487, 498, 502, 526, 579, 580, 
590, 613. 

Penitence, 175. 

Persecution, 178, 222, 245, 247, 249, 
252, 262, 263, 298, 307, 328, 344, 346, 
377, 386, 391, 395, 399, 403, 423, 427, 
480, 483, 486, 490, 503, 505, 519, 591, 
608, 809. 

Philanthropy, 492, 560-562. 

Piety, 469, 509, 550. 

Pilgrimage, 161. 

Plain Speaking, 61. 

Poetry, 292. 

Poor, 48. 

Popery, 38, 156, 248, 261, 393, 412. 

Prayer, 119, 178, 197, 215, 231, 248, 
249, 257, 267, 297, 359, 361, 396, 408, 
436, 451, 461, 476, 480, 546, 548, 588, 

Prayer Answered, 108, 113, 269. 

Preaching, 78, 119, 123, 137, 215, 220, 
223, 224, 243, 251, 260, 269, 299, 309, 
316, 318, 322, 330, 336, 387,410,414, 

418, 420, 442, 451, 463, 488, 493, 495, 
514, 518, 546, 548, 588, 605, 745. 

Predestination, 289, 599. 
Presentiments, 87. 
Prophecy, 12, 178, 262, 471. 
Purity, 296. 


Reason and Faith, 284. 

Rebuking Sins, 252, 261, 333, 358, 360, 

419, 454, 494, 552, 560. 

Reform, 193, 221, 243, 245, 250, 251, 
253, 260, 262, 270, 279, 298,312,316, 
318, 322, 324, 330, 332, 339, 384, 416, 

Relic Seeking, 181. 

Religious Debates, 154. 

Renown, 226, 832. 

Resignation, 257, 263, 277, 278. 

Rest, 167, 174, 193, 598. 

Restfulness, 189, 193, 231. 

Revenge, 149. 

Revival, 411, 452, 453, 477, 548, 551, 
572, 585, 588, 602, 604, 609, 733-735, 

Ritualism, 150,398. 

Romance, 32. 

Sabbath, 536. 

Sabbath-Schools, 88, 528, 769. 

Sabbath Study, 93, 316, 320. 

Sacraments, 244, 283, 289, 383. 

Saint Worship, 297. 

Saving Faith, 237. 

Schools, 105, 116, 134, 146, 153, 155, 

168, 174, 177, 187, 206, 208, 234, 280, 

292, 303, 309, 319, 356, 465, 493, 572, 

576, 610. 
Science and Religion, 146, 187, 199, 

Scriptures, 155, 159, 165, 175, 179, 

Self-Conquest, 146, 165, 203, 231. 
Self-Devotion, 9, 195, 202, 259, 266, 

445, 475, 517. 
Self-Inspection, 196, 510. 
Selfish Motives, 151. 
Self- Will, 197. 
Separation, 452, 543, 545. 
Sermons, 168. 
Servants, 99. 
Shepherds, 59. 
Sin, 84, 204, 256, 564. 
Slanders, 66, 288. 
Social Life, 458. 
Song, 292, 293., 
Soul, 181, 550. 
State and Church. (See Church and 

State. ) 
Strange Providences, 299, 800. 
Strange Superstitions, 263, 266, 327. 
Subduing Self, 165, 220, 233, 279. 
Suffering for Christ, 164, 617. 



Supernatural, The, 198. 
Superstition, 172. 
Swearing, 299. 
Sympatht, 591, 596. 


Talents, 433. 

Teaching, 155, 188, 353, 464, 465, 472, 

578, 587. 
Temperance, 24, 716, 768. 
Thankfulness, 83, 92, 147. 
Theological Seminaries, 303. 
Theology, 282, 708, 714, 738. 
Thirst por Truth, 236, 238, 322. 
Toleration, 491. 
Tombs, 326. 
Torture, 50, 506. 
Tradition, 36. 

Transubstantiation, 244, 402. 
Travel, 96, 301, 449. 
Trials, 230, 258, 265, 269, 271, 283, 287, 

315, 347, 351, 375, 411, 445, 463, 510, 

511, 530, 532, 786. 
Tribulation, 230, 254, 255, 287, 307, 

Trust in God, 163, 350, 435, 446, 

Turning-Points in Life, 164, 167. 

Unfaithfulness, 106, 210. 

Visions, 176, 209, 210, 456, 499, 508, 538. 
Vows, 150. 


War, 428, 434, 436. 

Way of Life, 221, 223, 236, 238, 375, 

Weakness, 288. 
Widows, 100. 
Wills. (See Last Will.) 
Wisdom, 155, 235, 419, 497, 537. 
Wise Counsels, 123, 130, 205, 212. 
Wives, 100, 275. 
Woman's Work, 124, 172, 208, 212, 213, 

234, 265, 276, 369, 370, 371, 400, 401, 

489, 747. 
Women Missionaries and Leaders, 

122, 172, 178. 
Works, 165. 
worldliness, 40, 79. 
Worship, 297, 611. 

Youth, 77, 142, 153, 188, 234, 259, 265, 
297, 280, 301, 308, 337, 423, 431, 441, 
449, 469, 473, 526, 548. 


Zeal, 172, 202, 329, 333, 404, 475. 



All references to pp. 1-264 are to Part First. — Earlier Leaders. 

All references to pp. 265-540 are to Part Second. — Later Leaders — Europe. 

All references to pp. 541-856 are to Part Third. — Later Leaders — America, Africa, and Oceanica. 


A Kempis, 226-234, 517. 
Abelard, 200. 
Adamnan, 116, 117. 
Adeodatus, 103. 
Africa, Church of, 563. 
Aidan, 122-126. 
Albigenses, 201. 
Albret, Joanna, 357, 358. 
Albright, 657-661. 
Alcuin, 152. 
Alesius, 404. 
Aleth, 195. 
Alexander, 749-759. 
Alexandria (see Egypt). 
Alfred, 141. 
Alypius, 107. 
Ambrose, 47, 85-93, 189. 
America, Church of, 541, 

America, Indians of, 788- 

American Board, 839. 
Anacletus, 30. 
Anderson, 322-325. 
Anglo-Saxons, 142-148. 
Anicet, 19. 

Anne Boleyn, 379-382. 
Anselm, 186. 
Ansgar, 176. 
Antichrist, 35. 
Antioch (see Syria). 
Antony, 67. 
Apostles, 1, 3. 
Apostles' Creed, 6. 
Aquinas, 213. 
Arians, 69, 87, 102. 
Arius, 64-66. 
Arndt, 449, 461. 
Asbury, 614-623. 
Asia Minor, Church of, 14- 

Askew, Anne, 400-403. 
Asser, 146. 
Associate, 741. 
Associate Reformed, 741. 
Athanasian Creed, 70. 
Athanasius, 62-70, 86. 

Augsburg Confession, 285. 
Augustine, 46, 47, 56, 105- 

113, 162. 
Austin, 126-133. 


Baptists, 608-614, 677-697, 

Barbarossa, 212. 

Barnes, 768-773. 

Basil, 88, 105. 

Basilicus, 84. 

Bataille, 346-352. 

Baxter, 508-516. 

Bede, 133-141. 

Beecher, 711-730. 

Bengel, 468-472. 

Bernard, 194-201, 209. 

Beza, 352-362, 366. 

Blandina, 49-52. 

Boethius, 146. 

Bohme, 457. 

Boniface, 140, 166-175. 

Bora, Catharine, 269, 271. 

Bowes, Margery, 415. 

Brainerd, 571. 

Brentz, 297-300, 316. 

Brethren of the Common 
Life, 226, 227, 234. 

Brethren of the Free Spir- 
it, 225. 

Brewster, 541-546. 

Briconnet, 328. 

Britain, Church of, 114— 
148, 186-194, 239-249. 

Brunehilde, 165. 

Bucer, 297, 338, 384. 

Bullinger, 302, 314. 

Biires, Idelette de, 339. 

Burmah, 837-849. 

Calvin, 298, 332, 333, 335- 

345, 348, 354, 370. 
Campbell, 668-677. 

Cannstein, 467, 476. 

Capito, 316. 

Cecelius, 40. 

Charles Fifth, 288, 295. 

Charles Martel, 169, 174. 

Charles the Great, 153, 156. 

China, Church of, 217-219, 

Chrysostom, 76-85. 
Ciaran, 117. 
Cistercians, 195. 
Claudius, 157-162. 
Clement of Alexandria, 23. 
Clement of Rome, 29-32, 

Clotilda, 150. 
Clovis, 149. 
Coligny, 358, 362-367. 
Colman, 125. 
Columba, 116-122. 
Columban, 163-166. 
Comgall, 163, 166. 
Congregationalists, 541- 

565, 609, 703-740. 
Constantine, 59, 63, 66, 73. 
Constantinople, Council of, 

Constantius, 66. 
Cotta, 265. 
Councils of Nice, 57, 58, 60, 

Covenanters, 741. 
Cranmer, 379-388, 415. 
Cromwell, Oliver, 512. 
Cuthbert, 138, 139. 
Cynics, 13. 
Cyprian, 39-45. 
Cyril, 181. 


Damasis, 95. 
Dante, 250, 370. 
Davies, 574. 
Dickinson, 569-574. 
Didymus, 96. 
Disciples, 668-676. 
Docetes, 6. 



Dominicans, 214. 
Donatus, 104, 110, 111. 
Donnell, 661-668. 
Druids, 115. 
Dwight, 703-710. 


Easter, 19. 

Edward Sixth, 389, 415. 

Edwards, 547-557, 703. 

Edwin, 122. 

Egede, 479, 783-788. 

Egypt, Church of, 22-29, 

57-59, 62-70. 
Eliot, John, 513, 546. 
Elizabeth, Queen, 415. 
England (see Britain). 
Epiphanius, 81. 
Episcopalians, 647-657, 

Erasmus, 279, 328, 342. 
Erastus, 306. 
Ethelbert, 128,129. 
Eudoxia, 81,82. 
Eusebius of Cesarea, 1, 49, 

Eusebius of Nicomedia, 65, 

Eustochium, 96. 
Evangelical Association, 



Farel, 326-335, 338. 

Felicitas, 52-56. 

Finnev, 730-740. 

Fisk, Wilbur, 631-639. 

Florentius, 226. 

Fox, 405. 

France, Church of, 148-1 57, 

194-208, 326-367, 482- 

Franciscans, 214. 
Francke, 461-468, 585, 586. 
Frederick the Wise, 268, 

Friends, 534-540, 559. 
Fry, 533-540. 
Fuller, 697-703. 


Gall, 166, 169. 

Gaul, Church of, 32-39, 49- 

Gerhardt, 375, 439-448. 
Germany, Church of, 163- 

175, 208-213, 222-339, 

265-320, 439-488. 

Gnostics, 2, 5, 18, 34, 35. 
Goths, 70, 76, 112. 
Graham, 740-749. 
Greenland, 783-788. 
Gregory of Cesarea, 27. 
Gregory of Nazianz, 95. 
Gregory of Kome, 127, 128, 

Groot, 226. 
Gurney (see Fry). 
Gustavus Adolphus, 431- 

Gustavxis Vasa, 323. 
Guthrie, 501-505. 


Hamilton, 403-410, 413. 
Hegesippus, 1. 
Henry, 8, 379, 388. 
Henry of Navarre, 360, 

Hilary, 68. 
Hilda, 124. 
Hildegard, 208-213. 
Hodge, Charles, 761-766. 
Holland, Church of, 429. 
Hooper, 397-400. 
Hopkins, 557-565. 
Hosius, 68. 
Huguenots, 363-367. 
Huss, 250-259. 

Ignatius, 3-10. 

India Missions, 796-803. 

Irenasus, 32-39, 49. 

Italy, Church of, 29-32, 85- 


259-264, 368-379. 


Jerome, 93-99. 

Jerusalem, 1. 

Jesuits, 429. 

John of Milic, 250. 

John of Monte Corvino, 

John the Constant, 275. 
Judson, 837-849. 
Julian, 63, 69. 
Justin, 10-14. 


Kentigern, 119. 
Knox, 411, 413-421. 
Kurtz, 589. 

Laborie, 346-352. 
Lambert, 405, 409. 
Lanfranc, 186. 
Laski, 304, 384. 
Latimer, 386, 389, 396, 397, 

Lawrence, 46-49. 
Lefevre, 327, 328, 380. 
Leo First, 46. 
Leo Tenth, 267. 
Linus, 30. 

Livingston, 639-647. 
Lome, 116. 
Louis Ninth, 201, 215. 
Lull, 558. 
Luther, 265-279, 293, 313, 

321, 336, 342. 
Luther, Magdalena, 274- 

Lutherans, 337, 442, 584- 

590, 796-803. 


MacGrady, 661. 
MacKail, 505-508. 
MacKendree, 622-631. 
MacMillan, 661. 
Makemie, 565-569. 
Manicheans, 101-106. 
Manning, 608-614. 
Marcionites, 18, 19. 
Marot, 369. 
Martin of Tours, 188. 
Martyn, 814-819. 
Martyr, Peter, 302, 384. 
Mary, Bloody, 385, 391, 

Maiy, Queen of Scots, 

Maturus, 50. 
Melancthon, 279-291, 297, 

301, etc. 
Meletians, 66. 
Methodists, 517-525. 
Methodist Episcopal, 614- 

Methodist Protestant, 773- 

Methodius, 181. 
Milne, 828-832. 
Moffatt, 813. 
Monica, 99-104. 
Montanists, 42. 
Moravians, 479, 518, 519, 

More, Hannah, 528. 
Morrison, 819-837. 
Muhlenberg, 467, 584-590, 

Mystics, 223. 




Nestorians, 218. 

Nicene Council, 57, 58, 60, 

Nicholas of Basel, 224. 
Nitschmann, 482. 
North Africa, Church of, 

39-45, 52-56, 99-113. 


Oberlin, 492-500, 525. 
Oberliu College, 726, 736, 

Oceanica, 849-856. 
Ochino, 384. 
(Ecolampadius, 315-320, 

Olaf, 180. 
Oldcastle, 246-249. 
Olevian, 304, 305. 
Origen, 22-29, 97. 
Orosius, 146. 
Otterbein, 599-607. 

Paleario, 371-379. 

Palestine, Church of, 1-3, 

Pantamus, 23. 

Paphnutius, 57-59. 

Papias, 16. 

Patrick, 114-116. 

Paul, 3. 

Paul of Antioch, 23. 

Paula, 96. 

Peck, 677-686. 

Pekiug (see China). 

Peregrinus, 4. 

Perpetua, 52-56. 

Persia Missions, 814-819. 

Peterson, 320-326. 

Philip of Hesse, 281, 287, 
313, 409. 

Pietists, 452, 462. 

Pliitschau, 467. 

Polycarp, 14-22, 37. 

Pothinus, 50. 

Presbyterians, 415, 565- 
583, 724-728, 732, 749- 

Presbyterians, Cumber- 
laud, 661-668. 

Presbyterians, United, 740- 
749, 778-783. 

Pressly, 778-783. 
Prudentius, 46-49. 


Quakers (see Friends). 


Rabaut, 486-492. 

Radbod, 71. 

Reformed, Dutch, 639-647, 

Reformed, French, 482- 

Reformed, German, 442, 

594, 604. 
Reformed, Scotch, 416,501- 

508, 741. 
Eemv, 148-152. 
Renata, 338, 368-371. 
Reuchlin, 280. 
Ridley, 386, 388-397. 
Robinson, John, 543. 
Rome, Church of, 38, 46- 

Roussel, 486-492. 


Saba, 74. 

Sachs, 291-296. 

Snint Bartholomew, 360. 

Sales, Francis de, 361, 366. 

Sanctus, 50. 

Savonarola, 259-264. 

Scandinavia, Church of, 

176-180, 320-326, 431- 

439, 783-788. 
Schade, 455. 
Schlatter, 590-598. 
Schwartz, 796-803. 
Scotland (see Britain). 
Semi-Arians, 66. 
Servetus, 344, 355. 
Slavonians, Church of, 185, 

186, 250-259. 
Spangenherg, 791. 
Spener, 448-460, 475, 585. 
Spiridion, 59-62. 
Staupitz, 266, 279. 
Stockton, 773-778. 
Symeon, 1-3. 
Synods, of Arle, Milan, 

Rimini, etc., 68. 
Syria, Church of, 3-10. 

Tauler, 222. 
Taurant, 346-352. 
Tennents, 572, 573. 
Tertullian, 39, 42. 
Tetzel, 266. 
Theodore, 135. 
Theodosius] 75, 79,91. 
Thomas Christians, 215 
Trigolet, 346-351. 


Ulfilas, 70-76. 

United Brethren, 603-607. 

Ursinus, 300-308. 

Valentinians, 19. 
Vandals, 112. 
Vanderkemp, 803-813. 
Vernon, 346-351. 
Viret, 331, 339. 


Waldensians, 221, 222. 
Waldo, 219, 221. 
Wales, Church of, 163. 
Wayland, 686-697. 
Wesley, Charles, 517-523. 
Wesley, John, 516-525,527, 

Wessel, 233-239. 
White, 647-657. 
Whitefield, 520, 521, 572. 
Wiclif, 239-246. 
Wilberforce, 528-533. 
William of Orange, 421- 

Williams, John, 849-856. 
Williams, Roger, 608-613. 
Winfrid (see Boniface). 
Wishart, 410-412. 
Witherspoon, 574-583. 
Wolinar, 353. 

Zeisbenrer, 788-796. 
Ziegenbalg, 467, 796, 797. 
Zinzendorf, 472-482, 525. 
Zwingle, 308-315, 317, 341. 


ical Seminary Ubrarjes 

Date Due 


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